Speech 1609 (1)

WE being now in the middest of this season appointed for penitence and prayer, it hath so fallen out, that these two last dayes haue bene spent in a farre other sort of exercise, I meane in Eucharisticke Sacrifice, and gratulation of thankes, persented vnto mee by both the parts of this body of Parliament: and therefore to make vp the number of three, (which is the number of Trinitie, and perfection) I haue thought good to make this the third Day, to be spent in this exercise.

As ye made mee a faire Present indeed in presenting your thankes and louing dueties vnto mee: So haue I now called you here, to recompence you againe with a great and a rare Present, which is a faire and a Christall Mirror; Not such a Mirror wherein you may see your owne faces, or shadowes; but such a Mirror, or Christall, as through the transparantnesse thereof, you may see the heart of your King. The Philosophers wish, That euery mans breast were a Christall, where- through his heart might be seene, is vulgarly knowne, and I touched it in one of my former Speaches vnto you: But though that were impossible in the generall, yet will I now performe this for my part, That as it is a trew Axiome in Diuinitie, That Cor Regis is in manu Domini, So wil I now set Cor Regis in oculis populi. I know that I can say nothing at this time, whereof some of you that are here, haue not at one time or other, heard me say the like already: Yet as corporall food nourisheth and mainteineth the body, so doeth Reminiscentia nourish and mainteine memory.

I will reduce to three generall and maine grounds, the principall things that haue bene agitated in this Parliament, and whereof I will now speake.

First, the Arrand for which you were called by me; And that was, for support- ing of my state, and necessities.

The second is, that which the people are to mooue vnto the King: To represent vnto him such things, whereby the Subiects are vexed, or wherein the state of the Commonwealth is to be redressed: And that is the thing which you call grieuances.

The third ground that hath bene handled amongst you, and not onely in talke amongst you in the Parliament, but euen in many other peoples mouthes, aswell within, as without the Parliament, is of a higher nature then any of the former (though it be but an Incident ?) and the reason is, because it concernes a higher point; And this is a doubt, which hath bene in the heads of some, of my Intention in two things.

First, whether I was resolued in the generall, to continue still my gouernment according to the ancient forme of this State, and the Lawes of this Kingdome: Or if I had an intention not to limit my selfe within those bounds, but to alter the same when I thought conuenient, by the absolute power of a King.

The other branch is anent the Common Law, which some had a conceit I dis- liked, and (in respect that I was borne where another forme of Law was estab- lished) that I would haue wished the Ciuill Law to haue bene put in place of the Common Law for gouernment of this people. And the complaint made amongst you of a booke written by doctour Cowell, was a part of the occasion of this incident: But as touching my censure of that booke, I made it already to bee deliuered vnto you by the Treasurer here sitting, which he did out of my owne directions and notes; and what he said in my name, that had he directly from me: But what hee spake of himselfe therein without my direction, I shal alwayes make good; for you may be sure I will be loth to make so honest a man a lyer, or deceiue your expectations: alwayes within very few dayes my Edict shall come forth anent that matter, which shall fully discouer my meaning.

There was neuer any reason to mooue men to thinke, that I could like of such grounds: For there are two qualities principally, or rather priuations that make Kings subiect to flatterie; Credulitie and Ignorance; and I hope none of them can bee iustly obiected to mee: For if Alexander the great, for all his learning, had bene wise in that point to haue considered the state of his owne naturall body and disposition, hee would neuer haue thought himselfe a god. And now to the mat- ter. As it is a Christian duety in euery man, Reddere rationem fidei, and not to be ashamed to giue an account of his proession before men, and Angels, as oft as occasion shall require: So did I euer hold it a necessitie of honour in a iust and wise King, though not to giue an account to his people of his actions, yet clearely to deliuer his heart and intention vnto them vpon euery occasion. But I must inuert my order, and begin first with that incident which was last in my diuision (though highest of nature) and so goe backward.

The State of MONARCHIE is the supremest thing vpon earth: For Kings are not onely GODS Lieutenants vpon earth, and sit vpon GODS throne, but euen by GOD himselfe they are called Gods. There bee three principall similitudes that illustrates the state of MONARCHIE: One taken out of the word of GOD; and the two other out of the grounds of Policie and Philosophie. In the Scriptures Kings are called Gods, and so their power after a certaine relation compared to the Diuine power. Kings are also compared to Fathers of families: for a King is trewly Parens patriae, the politique father of his people. And lastly, Kings are compared to the head of this Microcosme of the body of man.

Kings are iustly called Gods, for that they exercise a manner or resemblance of Diuine power vpon earth: For if you wil consider the Attributes to God, you shall see how they agree in the person of a King. God hath power to create, or destroy, make, or vnmake at his pleasure, to giue life, or send death, to iudge all,

and to be iudged nor accomptable to none: To raise low things, and to make high things low at his pleasure, and to God are both soule and body due. And the like power haue Kings: they make and vnmake their subiects: they haue power of raising, and casting downe: of life, and of death: Iudges ouer all their subiects, and in all causes, and yet accomptable to none but God onely. They haue power to exalt low things, and abase high things, and make of their subiects like men at the Chesse; A pawne to take a Bishop or a Knight, and to cry vp, or downe any of their subiects, as they do their money. And to the King is due both the affec- tion of the soule, and the seruice of the body of his subiects: And therefore that reuerend Bishop here amongst you, though I heare that by diuers he was mistaken or not wel vnderstood, yet did he preach both learnedly and trewly annent this point concerning the power of a King: For what he spake of a Kings power in Abstracto, is most trew in Diuinitie: For to Emperors, or Kings that are Mon- arches, their Subiects bodies & goods are due for their defence and maintenance. But if I had bene in his place, I would only haue added two words, which would haue cleared all: For after I had told as a Diuine, what was due by the Subiects to their Kings in general, I would then haue concluded as an Englishman, shewing this people, That as in generall all Subiects were bound to relieue their King; So to exhort them, that as wee liued in a setled state of a Kingdome which was gouerned by his owne fundamentall Lawes and Orders, that according thereunto, they were now (being assembled for this purpose in Parliament) to consider how to helpe such a King as now they had; And that according to the ancient forme, and order established in this Kingdome: putting so, a difference betweene the generall power of a King in Diuinity, and the settled and established State of this Crowne, and Kingdome. And I am sure that the Bishop meant to haue done the same, if hee had not bene straited by time, which in respect of the greatnesse of the presence preaching before me, and such an Auditory, he durst not presume vpon.

As for the Father of a familie, they had of olde vnder the Law of Nature Patriam potestatem, which was Potestatem vitæ & necis, ouer their children or familie (I meane such Fathers of families as were the lineall heires of those families whereof Kings did originally come:) For Kings had their first originall from them, who planted and spread themselues in Colonies through the world. Now a Father may dispose of his Inheritance to his children, at his pleasure: yea, euen disinherite the eldest vpon iust occasions, and preferre the youngest, accord- ing to his liking; make them beggers, or rich at his pleasure; restraine, or banish out of his presence, as hee findes them giue cause of offence, or restore them in fauour againe with the penitent sinner: So may the King deale with his Subiects.

And lastly, as for the head of the naturall body, the head hath the power of directing all the members of the body to that vse which the iudgement in the head thinkes most conuenient. It may apply sharpe cures, or cut off corrupt members, let blood in what proportion it thinkes fit, and as the body may spare, but yet is

all this power ordeined by God Ad ædificationem, non ad destructionem. For although God haue power aswell of destruction, as of creation or maintenance; yet will it not agree with the wisdome of God, to exercise his power in the destruc- tion of nature, and ouerturning the whole frame of things, since his creatures were made, that his glory might thereby be the better expressed: So were hee a foolish father that would disinherite or destroy his children without a cause, or leaue off the carefull education of them; And it were an idle head that would in place of phisicke so poyson or phlebotomize the body as might breede a dangerous distemper or destruction thereof.

But now in these our times we are to distinguish betweene the state of Kings in their first originall, and betweene the state of setled Kings and Monarches, that doe at this time gouerne in ciuill Kingdomes: For euen as God, during the time of the olde Testament, spake by Oracles, and wrought by Miracles; yet how soone it pleased him to setle a Church which was bought, and redeemed by the blood of his onely Sonne Christ, then was there a cessation of both; Hee euer after gouerning his people and Church within the limits of his reueiled will. So in the first originall of Kings, whereof some had their beginning by Conquest, and some by election of the people, their wills at that time serued for Law; Yet how soone Kingdomes began to be setled in ciuilitie and policie, then did Kings set downe their minds by Lawes, which are properly made by the King onely; but at the rogation of the people, the Kings grant being obteined thereunto. And so the King became to be Lex loquens, after a sort, binding himselfe by a double oath to the obseruation of the fundamentall Lawes of his kingdome: Tacitly, as by being a King, and so bound to protect aswell the people, as the Lawes of his Kingdome; And Expresely, by his oath at his Coronation: So as euery iust King in a setled Kingdome is bound to obserue that paction made to his people by his Lawes, in framing his gouernment agreeable thereunto, according to that paction which God made with Noe after the deluge, Here after Seed-time, and Haruest, Cold and Heate, Summer and Winter, and Day and Night shall not cease, so long as the earth remaines. And therefore a King gouerning in a setled Kingdome, leaues to be a King, and degenerates into a Tyrant, assoone as he leaues off to rule according to his Lawes. In which case the Kings conscience may speake vnto him, as the poore widow said to Philip of Macedon; Either gouerne according to your Law, Aut ne Rex sis. And though no Christian man ought to allow any rebellion of people against their Prince, yet doeth God neuer leaue Kings vnpunished when they transgresse these limits: For in that same Psalme where God saith to Kings, Vos Dij estis, hee immediately thereafter concludes, But ye shall die like men. The higher wee are placed, the greater shall our fall be. Vt casus sic dolor: the taller the trees be, the more in danger of the winde; and the tempest beats sorest vpon the highest mountaines. Therefore all Kings that are not tyrants, or periured, wil be glad to bound themselues within the limits of their Lawes; and they that perswade them the contrary, are vipers, and pests, both against them

and the Commonwealth. For it is a great difference betweene a Kings gouern- ment in a setled State, and what Kings in their originall power might doe in Indiuiduo vago. As for my part, I thanke God, I haue euer giuen good proofe, that I neuer had intention to the contrary: And I am sure to goe to my graue with that reputation and comfort, that neuer King was in all his time more care- full to haue his Lawes duely obserued, and himselfe to gouerne thereafter, then I.

I conclude then this point touching the power of Kings, with this Axiome of Diuinitie, That as to dispute what God may doe, is Blasphemie; but quid vult Deus, that Diuines may lawfully, and doe ordinarily dispute and discusse; for to dispute A Posse ad Esse is both against Logicke and Diuinitie: So is it sedition in Subiects, to dispute what a King may do in the height of his power: But iust Kings wil euer be willing to declare what they wil do, if they wil not incurre the curse of God. I wil not be content that my power be disputed vpon: but I shall euer be willing to make the reason appeare of all my doings, and rule my actions according to my Lawes.

The other branch of this incident is concerning the Common Law, being con- ceiued by some, that I contemned it, and preferred the Ciuil Law thereunto. As I haue already said, Kings Actions (euen in the secretest places) are as the actions of those that are set vpon the Stages, or on the tops of houses: and I hope neuer to speake that in priuate, which I shall not auow in publique, and Print it if need be (as I said in my BASILICON DORON.) For it is trew, that within these few dayes I spake freely my minde touching the Common Law in my Priuie Chamber, at the time of my dinner, which is come to all your eares; and the same was like- wise related vnto you by my Treasurer, and now I will againe repeate and con- firme the same my selfe vnto you. First, as a King I haue least cause of any man to dislike the Common Law: For no Law can bee more fauourable and aduan- tagious for a King, and extendeth further his Prerogaiue, then it doeth: And for a King of England to despise the Common Law, it is to neglect his owne Crowne. It is trew, that I doe greatly esteeme the Ciuill Law, the profession thereof seruing more for generall learning and being most necessary for matters of Treatie with all forreine Nations: And I thinke that if it should bee taken away, it would make an entrie to Barbarisme in this Kingdome, and would blemish the honour of Eng- land: For it is in a maner LEX GENTIVM, and maintaineth Intercourse with all forreine Nations: but I onely allow it to haue course here, according to those limits of Iurisdiction, which the Common Law it selfe doeth allow it: And there- fore though it bee not fit for the generall gouernment of the people here; it doeth not follow, it should be extinct, no more, then because the Latine tongue is not the Mother or Radicall Language of any Nation in the world at this time, that there- fore the English tongue should onely now be learned in this Kingdome, which were to bring in Barbarisme. My meaning therefore is not to preferre the Ciuill Law before the Common Law; but onely that it should not be extinguished, and yet so bounded, (I meane to such Courts and Causes) as haue beene in ancient vse;

As the Ecclesiasticall Courts, Court of Admiraltie, Court of Requests, and such like, reseruing euer to the Common Law to meddle with the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome, either concerning the Kings Prerogatiue, or the possessions of Subiects, in any questions, either betweene the King, and any of them, or amongst themselues, in the points of Meum & tuum. For it is trew, that there is no King- dome in the world, not onely Scotland, but not France, nor Spaine, nor any other Kingdome gouerned meerely by the Ciuill Law, but euery one of them hath their owne municipall Lawes agreeable to their Customes, as this Kingdome hath the Common Law: Nay, I am so farre from disallowing the Common Law, as I pro- test, that if it were in my hand to chuse a new Law for this Kingdome, I would not onely preferre it before any other Nationall Law, but euen before the very Iudiciall Law of Moyses: and yet I speake no blasphemie in preferring it for conueniencie to this Kingdome, and at this time, to the very Law of God: For God gouerned his selected people by these three Lawes, Ceremoniall, Morall, and Iudiciall: The Iudiciall, being onely fit for a certaine people, and a certaine time, which could not serue for the generall of all other people and times. As for ex- ample, If the Law of hanging for Theft, were turned here to restitution of treble or quadruple, as it was in the Law of Moyses, what would become of all the middle Shires, and all the Irishrie and Highlanders ? But the maine point is, That if the fundamentall Lawes of any Kingdome should be altered, who should discerne what is Meum & tuum, or how should a King gouerne ? It would be like the Gregorian Calender, which destroyes the old, and yet doeth this new trouble all the debts and Accompts ot Traffiques and Merchandizes: Nay by that accompt I can neuer tell mine owne aage; for now is my Birth-day remooued by the space of ten dayes neerer me then it was before the change. But vpon the other part, though I haue in one point preferred our Common Law, concerning our vse to the very Law of GOD; yet in another respect I must say, both our Law and all Lawes else are farre inferiour to that Iudiciall Law of GOD; for no booke nor Law is perfect nor free from corruption, except onely the booke and Law of GOD. And therefore I could wish some three things specially to be purged & cleared in the Common Law; but alwayes by the aduise of Parliament: For the King with his Parlia- ment here are absolute, (as I vnderstand) in making or forming of any sort of Lawes.

First I could wish that it were written in our vulgar Language: for now it is in an old, mixt, and corrupt Language, onely vnderstood by Lawyers: whereas euery Subiect ought to vnderstand the Law vnder which he liues: For since it is our plea against the Papists, that the language in GODS Seruice ought not to be in an vnknowne tongue, according to the rule in the Law of Moyses, That the Law should be written in the fringes of the Priests garment, and should be publikely read in the eares of all the people: so mee thinkes ought our Law to be made as plaine as can be to the people, that the excuse of ignorance may be taken from them, for conforming themselues thereunto.

Next, our Common Law hath not a setled Text in all Cases, being chiefly grounded either vpon old Customes, or else vpon the Reports and Cases of Iudges, which ye call Responsa Prudentum. The like whereof is in all other Lawes: for they are much ruled by Presidents (saue onely in Denmarke and Norway, where the letter of the Law resolues all doubts without any trouble to the Iudge,) But though it be trew, that no Text of Law can be so certaine, wherein the circum- stances will not make a variation in the Case, (for in this aage, mens wits increase so much by ciuilitie, that the circumstances of euery particular case varies so much from the general Text of Law, as in the Ciuill Law it selfe, there are there- fore so many Doctors that comment vpon the Text, & neuer a one almost agrees with another; Otherwise there needed no Iudges, but the bare letter of the Law.) Yet could I wish that some more certaintie were set downe in this case by Parlia- ment: for since the very Reports themselues are not alwayes so binding, but that diuers times Iudges doe disclaime them, and recede from the iudgment of their predecessors; it were good, that vpon a mature deliberation, the exposition of the Law were set downe by Acte of Parliament, and such reports therein confirmed, as were thought fit to serue for Law in all times hereafter, and so the people should not depend vpon the bare opinions of Iudges, and vncertaine Reports.

And lastly, there be in the Common Law diuers contrary Reports, and Presi- dents: and this corruption doeth likewise concerne the Statutes and Acts of Parliament, in respect there are diuers crosse and cuffing Statutes, and some so penned, as they may be taken in diuers, yea contrary sences. And therefore would I wish both those Statutes and Reports, aswell in the Parliament as Com- mon Law, to be once maturely reuiewed, and reconciled; And that not onely all contrarieties should be scraped out of our Bookes, but euen that such penall Statutes as were made, but for the vse of the time (from breach whereof no man can be free) which doe not now agree with the condition of this our time, might likewise be left out of our bookes, which vnder a tyrannous or auaritious King could not be endured. And this reformation might (me thinkes) bee made a worthy worke, and well deserues a Parliament to be set of purpose for it.

I know now that being vpon this point of the Common Law, you looke to heare my opinion concerning Prohibitions; and I am not ignorant that I haue bene thought to be an enemie to all Prohibitions, and an vtter stayer of them: But I will shortly now informe you what hath bene my course in proceeding therein. It is trew that in respect of diuers honorable Courts, and Iurisdictions planted in this Kingdome, I haue often wished that euery Court had his owne trew limit, and iurisdiction clearely set downe, and certainly knowne; which if it be exceeded by any of them, or that any of them encroch one vpon another, then I grant that a Prohibition in that case is to goe out of the Kings Bench, but chiefliest out of the Chancery; for other Benches I am not yet so well resolued of their Iurisdiction in that point. And for my part, I was neuer against Prohibitions of this nature, nor the trew vse of them, which is indeed to keepe euery Riuer within

his owne banks and channels. But when I saw the swelling and ouerflowing of Prohibitions in a farre greater abundance then euer before, euery Court striuing to bring in most moulture to their owne Mill, by multitudes of Causes, which is a disease very naturall to all Courts and Iurisdictions in the world; Then dealt I with this Cause, and that at two seuerall times, once in the middest of Winter, and againe in the middest of the next following Summer; At euery of which times I spent three whole daies in that labour. And then after a large hearing, I told them as Christ said concerning Mariage, Ab initio non fuit sic. For as God con- teins the Sea within his owne bounds and marches (as it is in the Psalmes,) So is it my office to make euery Court conteine himselfe within his own limits; And therefore I gaue admonitions to both sides: To the other Courts, that they should be carefull hereafter euery of them, to conteine themselues within the bounds of their owne Iurisdictions; and to the Courts of Common Law, that they should not bee so forward, and prodigall in multiplying their Prohibitions. Two cautions I willed them to obserue in graunting their Prohibitions: First, that they should be graunted in a right and lawfull forme: And next, that they should not grant them, but vpon a iust and reasonable cause. As to the forme, it was, That none should be graunted by any one particular Iudge, or in time of Vacation, or in any other place, but openly in Court. And to this the Iudges themselues gaue their willing assent. And as to the Cause, That they should not be granted vpon euery sleight surmise, or information of the partie, but alwayes that a due and graue examination should first precede. Otherwise if Prohibitions should rashly, and headily be granted, then no man is the more secure of his owne, though hee hath gotten a Sentence with him: For as good haue no Law, or Sentence, as to haue no execution thereof. A poore Minister with much labour and expense, hauing ex- hausted his poore meanes, and being forced to forbeare his studie, and to become non resident from his flocke, obtaines a Sentence, and then when hee lookes to enioy the fruits thereof, he is defrauded of all by a Prohibition, according to the parable of Christ, That night when hee thinkes himselfe most happy, shall his soule be taken from him: And so is he tortured like Tantalus, who when he hath the Apple at his mouth, and that he is gaping and opening his mouth to receiue it, then must it be pulled from him by a Prohibition, and he not suffered to taste thereof. So as to conclude this point, I put a difference betweene the trew vse of Prohibitions, and the superabounding abuse thereof: for as a thing which is good, ought not therefore bee abused; so ought not the lawfull vse of a good thing be forborne, because of the abuse thereof.

Now the second generall ground whereof I am to speake, concernes the matter of Grieuances: There are two speciall causes of the peoples presenting Grieuances to their King in time of Parliament. First, for that the King cannot at other times be so well informed of all the Grieuances of his people, as in time of Parlia- ment, which is the representatiue body of the whole Realme. Secondly, the

Parliament is the highest Court of Iustice, and therefore the fittest place where diuers natures of Grieuances may haue their proper remedie, by the establishment of good and wholsome Lawes. But though my Speech was before directed to the whole Body of Parliament; yet in this case I must addresse my Speech in speciall to you of the Lower House.

I am now then to recommend vnto your considerations the matter and manner of your handling and presenting of Grieuances. As for the manner, though I will not denie, but that yee, representing the Body of the people, may as it were both opportune and inopportune (I meane either in Parliament as a Body, or out of Parliament as priuate men) present your Grieuances vnto mee; yet would I haue you to vse this caution in your behauiour in this point: which is, that your Grie- uances be not as it were greedily sought out by you, or taken vp in the streetes (as one said) thereby to shew a willingnesse that you would haue a shew made, that there are many abuses in the gouernment, and many causes of complaint: but that according to your first institution, ye should only meddle with such Grieuances, as your selues doe know had neede of reformation, or had informations thereof in your countreys for which you serue, and not so to multiply them, as might make it noised amongst the people, that all things in the gouernment were amisse and out of frame: For euen at the beginning of this very Session of Parlia- ment, the generall name of Grieuances being mentioned among you, such a con- ceipt came in the heads of many, that you had a desire to multiply and make a great muster of them, as euery one exhibited what his particular spleene stirred him vnto. In deed there fell out an accident vpon this occasion, for which I haue reason to thanke you of the Lower house, I meane for your fire worke, wherein I confesse you did Honour to me, and right to your selues: For hauing one after- noone found many Grieuances closely presented in papers, and so all thrust vp in sacke together, (rather like Pasquils, then any lawfull Complaints) farre against your owne Orders, and diuers of them proceeding from grudging and murmuring spirits; you, vpon the hearing read two or three of the first lines of diuers of them, were not content with a publique consent to comdemne them, and to dis- charge any further reading of them, but you also made a publique bonefire of them. In this, I say, you shewed your care and ielousie of my Honour, and I sent you thankes for it by the Chancellour of the Exchequer, a member of your owne House, who by your appointment, that same night acquainted me with your proceedings; And by him also I promised at that time, that you should heare more of my thankes for the same at the first occasion; And now I tell you it my selfe, that you may know how kindely I take your duetifull behauiour in this case. But since this was a good effect of an euill cause, I must not omit also to admonish you vpon the other part, to take a course amongst your selues, to preuent the like accident in all times hereafter: otherwise the Lower house may become a place for Pasquils, and at another time such Grieuances may be cast in amongst you, as may conteine Treason or scandal against Me, or my Posterity. Therefore in

this case, looke ouer your ancient Orders, & follow them, and suffer not hereafter any petitions or Grieuances to he deliuered obscurely or in the darke, but openly and auowedly in your Publique house, and there to be presented to the Speaker. And as to the matter of your Grieuances, I wish you here now to vnderstand me rightly. And because I see many writing and noting, I will craue your pardons, to holde you a little longer by speaking the more distinctly, for feare of mistaking.

First then, I am not to finde fault that you informe your selues of the partic- ular iust Grieuances of the people, Nay, I must tell you, ye can neither be iust nor faithfull to me, or to your Countreys that trust and imploy you, if you doe it not: For true Plaints proceed not from the persons imployed, but from the Body re- presented, which is the people. And it may very well bee, that many Directions and Commissions iustly giuen forth by me, may be abused in the Execution thereof, vpon the people: and yet I neuer to receiue information, except it come by your meanes, at such a time as this is; (as in the case of Stephen Procter). But I would wish you to be carefull to auoide three things in the matter of Grieuances.

First, that you doe not meddle with the maine points of Gouernment; that is my craft: tractent fabrilia fabri; to meddle with that, were to lesson me: I am now an old King; for sixe and thirtie yeeres haue I gouerned in Scotland personally, and now haue I accomplished my apprenticeship of seuen yeeres heere; and seuen yeeres is a great time for a Kings experience in Gouernment: Therefore there would not bee too many Phormios to teach Hannibal: I must not be taught my Office.

Secondly, I would not haue you meedle with such ancient Rights of mine, as I haue receiued from my Predecessors, possessing them, More Maiorum: such things I would bee sorie should bee accounted for Grieuances. All nouelties are dangerous as well in a politique as in a naturall Body: And therefore I would be loth to be quarrelled in my ancient Rights and possessions: for that were to iudge mee vnworthly of that which my Predecessors had and left me.

And lastly, I pray you beware to exhibit for Grieuance any thing that is estab- lished by a setled Law, and whereunto (as you haue already had a proofe) you know I will neuer giue a plausible answere: For it is an vndutifull part in Subiects to presse their King, wherein they know beforehand he will refuse them. Now, if any Law or Statute be not conuenient, let it be amended by Parliament, but in the meane time terme it not a Grieuance: for to be grieued with the Law, is to be grieued with the King, who is sworne to bee the Patron and mainteiner thereof. But as all men are flesh, and may erre in the execution of Lawes; So may ye iustly make a Grieuance of any abuse of the Law, distinguishing wisely betweene the faults of the person, and the thing it selfe. As for example, Complaints may be made vnto you of the high Commissioners: If so be, trie the abuse, and spare not to complaine vpon it, but say not there shall be no Commission; For that were to abridge the power that is in me: and I will plainely tell you, That something I haue with my selfe resolued annent that point, which I meane euer to keepe,

except I see other great cause: which is, That in regard the high Commission is of so high a nature, from which there is no appellation to any other Court, I haue thought good to restraine it onely to the two Archbishops, where before it was common amongst a great part of the Bishops in England. This Law I haue set to my selfe, and therefore you may be assured, that I will neuer finde fault with any man, nor thinke him the more Puritane, that will complaine to me out of Parlia- ment, aswell as in Parliament, of any error in execution thereof, so that hee prooue it; Otherwise it were but a calumnie. Onely I would bee loath that any man should grieue at the Commission it selfe, as I haue already said. Yee haue heard (I am sure) of the paines I tooke both in the causes of the Admiralty, and of the Prohibitions: If any man therefore will bring me any iust complaints vpon any matters of so high a nature as this is, yee may assure your selues that I will not spare my labour in hearing it. In faith you neuer had a more painefull King, or that will be readier in his person to determine causes that are fit for his hearing. And when euer any of you shall make experience of me in this point, ye may be sure neuer to want accesse, nor ye shall neuer come wrong to me, in, or out of Parliament.

And now to conclude this purpose of Grieuances, I haue one generall grieuance to commend vnto you, and that in the behalfe of the Countreys from whence ye come. And this is, to pray you to beware that your Grieuances sauour not of particular mens thoughts, but of the generall griefes rising out of the mindes of the people, and not out of the humour of the propounder. And therefore I would wish you to take heede carefully, and consider of the partie that propounds the grieuance: for ye may (if ye list) easily discerne whether it bee his owne passion, or the peoples griefe, that makes him to speake: for many a man will in your house propound a Grieuance out of his owne humour, because (peraduenture) he accounts highly of that matter: and yet the contrey that imployes him, may per- haps either be of a contrary minde, or (at least) little care for it. As for example, I assure you, I can very well smell betweene a Petition that mooues from a generall Grieuance, or such a one as comes from the spleene of some particular person, either against Ecclesiasticall gouernment in generall, or the person of any one Noble man, or Commissioner in particular.

And now the third point remaines to bee spoken of; which is the cause of my calling of this Parliament. And in this I haue done but as I vse to doe in all my life, which is to leaue mine owne errand hindmost.

It may bee you did wonder that I did not speake vnto you publikely at the beginning of this Session of Parliament, to tell you the cause of your calling, as I did (if I bee rightly remembred) in euery Session before. But the trewth is, that because I call you at this time for my particular Errand, I thought it fitter to bee opened vnto you by my Treasurer, who is my publike and most principall Officer in matters of that nature, then that I should doe it my selfe: for I confesse I am

lesse naturally eloquent, and haue greater cause to distrust mine elocution in matters of this nature, then in any other thing. I haue made my Treasurer already to giue you a very cleere and trew accompt both of my hauing, and ex- penses: A fauour I confesse, that Kings doe seldome bestow vpon their Subiects, in making them so particularly acquainted with their state. If I had not more then cause, you may be sure I would be loth to trouble you: But what he hath affirmed in this, vpon the honour of a Gentleman, (whom you neuer had cause to distrust for his honestie,) that doe I now confirme and auow to be trew in the word and honour of a King; And therein you are bound to beleeue me. Duetie I may iustly claime of you as my Subiects; and one of the branches of duetie which Subiects owe to their Soueraigne, is Supply: but in what quantitie, and at what time, that must come of your loues. I am not now therefore to dispute of a Kings power, but to tell you what I may iustly craue, and expect with your good wills. I was euer against all extremes; and in this case I will likewise wish you to auoyd them on both sides. For if you faile in the one, I might haue great cause to blame you as Parliament men, being called by me for my Errands: And if you fall into the other extreme, by supply of my necessities without respectiue care to auoyd oppression or partialitie in the Leuie, both I and the Countrey will haue cause to blame you.

When I thinke vpon the composition of this body of Parliament, I doe well consider that the Vpper house is composed of the Secular Nobilitie, who are hereditary Lords of Parliament; and of Bishops, that are liue Renter Barons of the same: And therefore what is giuen by the Vpper house, is giuen onely from the trew body of that House, and out of their owne purposes that doe giue it; whereas the Lower house is but the representatiue body of the Commons, and so what you giue, you giue it aswell for others, as for your selues: and therefore you haue the more reason to eschew both the extreames. On the one part, ye may the more easily be liberall, since it comes not all from your selues; and yet vpon the other part, if yee giue more then is fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld vpon such necessary occasions, yee abuse the King, and hurt the people; And such a gift I will neuer accept: For in such a case you might deceiue a King, in giuing your flattering consent to that which you know might moue the people generally to grudge and murmure at it, and so should the King find himselfe deceiued in his Calcule, and the people likewise grieued in their hearts; the loue and possession of which (I protest) I did, and euer will accompt the greatest earthly securitie (next the fauour of GOD) to any wise or iust King. For though it was vainely saide by one of your House, That yee had need to beware, that by giuing mee too much, your throats were not in danger of cutting at your comming home: yet may ye assure your selues, that I will euer bee lothe to presse you to doe that which may wrong the people, and make you iustly to beare the blame thereof. But that yee may the better be acquainted with my inclination, I will appeale to a number of my Priuie Councell here present, if that before the calling of this Parliament, and

when I found that the necessitie of my estate required so great a supply, they found me more desirous to obtaine that which I was forced to seeke, then carefull that the people might yeeld me a supply in so great a measure as my necessities required, without their too great losse. And you all that are Parliament men, and here present of both Houses can beare me witnesse, if euer I burthened or im- ployed any of you for any particular Subsidies, or summes by name, further then my laying open the particular necessities of my state, or yet if euer I spake to any Priuie Councellour, or any of my learned Councell, to labour voyces for me to this end; I euer detested the hunting for Emendicata Suffragia. A King that will rule and gouerne iustly, must haue regard to Conscience, Honour and Iudgement, in all his great Actions, (as your selfe M. Speaker remembred the other day.) And therefore ye may assure your selues, That I euer limit all my great Actions within that compasse. But as vpon the one side, I doe not desire you should yeeld to that extreame, in giuing me more then (as I said formerly) vpon such necessary occasions are fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld; For that were to giue me a purse with a knife: So on the other side, I hope you will not make vaine pretences of wants, out of causelesse apprehensions, or idle excuses, neither cloake your owne humours (when your selues are vnwilling) by alledging the pouertie of the people. For although I will be no lesse iust, as a King, to such persons, then any other: (For my Iustice with Gods grace, shalbe alike open to all) yet ye must thinke I haue no reason to thanke them, or gratifie them with any suits or matters of grace, when their errand shall come in my way; And yet no man can say, that euer I quarrelled any man for refusing mee a Subsidie, if hee did it in a moderate fashion, and with good reasons. For him that denies a good Law, I will not spare to quarrell: But for graunting or denying money, it is but an effect of loue: And therefore for the point of my necessities, I onely desire that I be not refused in that which of duety I ought to haue: For I know if it were propounded in the generall amongst you, whether the Kings wants ought to be relieued or not, there is not one of you, that would make question of it. And though in a sort this may seeme to be my particular; yet it can not bee diuided from the generall good of the Common wealth; For the King that is Parens Patriæ, telles you of his wants. Nay, Patria ipsa by him speakes vnto you. For if the King want, the State wants, and therefore the strengthening of the King is the preseruation and the standing of the State; And woe be to him that diuides the weale of the King from the weale of the Kingdome. And as that King is miserable (how rich soeuer he bee) that raines ouer a poore people, (for the hearts and riches of the people, are the Kings greatest treasure;) So is that Kingdome not able to subsist, how rich and potent soeuer the people be, if their King wants meanes to maintaine his State: for the meanes of your King are the sinewes of the kingdome both in warre and peace: for in peace I must minister iustice vnto you, and in warre I must defend you by Armes: but neither of these can I do without sufficient meanes, which must come from your Aide and Supply. I confesse it is farre against my nature to be burthensome to my people: for it cannot but grieue me to craue of others, that was borne to be begged of. It is trew, I craue more then euer King of England did; but I haue farre greater and iuster cause and reason to craue, then euer King of England had. And though my Treasurer hath at length declared the reasons vnto you of my necessities, and of a large supply that he craued for the same, wherein he omitted no arguments that can be vsed for that purpose; yet will I my selfe now shortly remember you some of the weightiest reasons that come in my head, to proue the equitie of my demaund.

First, ye all know, that by the accession of more Crownes, which in my Person I haue brought vnto you, my charge must be the greater in all reason: For the greater your King be, both in his dominion and number of Subiects, he cannot but be forced thereby to be at the more charge, and it is the more your honour, so to haue it.

Next, that posteritie and issue which it hath pleased God to send me for your vse, cannot but bring necessarily with it a greater proportion of charge. You all know that the late Queene of famous memory (notwithstanding her orbitie) had much giuen vnto her, and more then euer any of her predecessors had before her.

Thirdly, the time of creation of my Sonne doeth now draw neere, which I chuse for the greater honour to bee done in this time of Parliament. As for him I say no more; the sight of himselfe here speakes for him.

Fourthly, it is trew I haue spent much; but yet if I had spared any of those things, which caused a great part of my expense, I should haue dishonored the kingdome, my selfe, and the late Queene. Should I haue spared the funerall of the late Queene ? or the solemnitie of mine and my wiues entrie into this King- dome, in some honourable sort ? or should I haue spared our entrie into London, or our Coronation ? And when most of the Monarches, and great Princes in Christendome sent their Ambassadours to congratulate my comming hither, and some of them came in person, was I not bound, both for my owne honour, and the honour of the Kingdome, to giue them good entertainement ? But in case it might be obiected by some, that it is onely vpon occasions of warre, that Kings obtaine great Supplies from their Subiects: notwithstanding my interne Peace, I am yet in a kinde of warre, which if it bee without, the more is your safetie: For (as the Treasurer tolde you at large) I am now forced both in respects of State, and my promise, and for the general cause of Religion, to send a Supply of forces to Cleues, and how long that occasion may last, or what greater supply the neces- sitie of that Errand may draw mee vnto, no man can yet tell. Besides that, al- though I haue put downe that forme of warlike keeping of Barwicke; yet are all those commaunders my pensioners that were the late Queenes souldiers. And I hope I sustaine a prettie Seminarie of Souldiers in my Forts within this King- dome, besides the two cautionary Townes in the Low-countreys, Flushing and Brill. And as for Ireland, yee all know how vncertaine my charges are euer there, that people being so easily stirred, partly through their barbaritie, and

want of ciuilitie, and partly through their corruption in Religion to breake foorth in rebellions. Yee know, how vnlooked for a Rebellion brake foorth there the last yeere, which could not but put mee to extraordinary charges. Besides I doe maintaine there continually an Armie, which is a goodly Seminarie of expert and old Souldiers. And I dare neuer suffer the same to be diminished, till this Planta- tion take effect, which (no doubt) is the greatest moate that euer came in the Rebels eyes: and it is to be looked for, that if euer they will bee able to make any stirre, they will presse at it by all meanes, for the preuenting and discouraging this Plantation. Now it is trew, that besides all these honourable and necessary occa- sions of my charge, I haue spent much in liberalitie: but yet I hope you will con- sider, that what I haue giuen, hath bene giuen amongst you; and so what comes in from you, goes out againe amongst you. But it may be thought that I haue giuen much amongst Scottishmen. Indeed if I had not beene liberall in rewarding some of my old seruants of that Nation, ye could neuer haue had reason to expect my thankefulnesse towards any of you that are more lately become my Subiects, if I had beene ingrate to the old: And yet yee will find, that I haue dealt twice as much amongst English men as I haue done to Scottishmen. And therefore he that in your House was not ashamed to affirme, that the siluer and gold did so abound in Edenburgh, was very farre mistaken; but I wish him no worse punish- ment, then that hee should onely liue vpon such profit of the money there. But I hope you will neuer mislike me for my liberalitie, since I can looke very few of you this day in the face, that haue not made suits to mee, at least for some thing, either of honour or profit. It is trew, a Kings liberalitie must neuer be dried vp altogether: for then he can neuer maintaine nor oblige his seruants and well deseruing Subiects: But that vastnesse of my expence is past, which I vsed the first two or three yeeres after my comming hither: And, as I oft vsed to say, that Christmas and open tide is ended: For at my first comming here, partly ignorance of this State (which no man can acquire but by time and experience) and partly the forme of my comming being so honourable and miraculous, enforced me to extend my liberalitie so much the more at the beginning. Ye saw I made Knights then by hundredths, and Barons in great numbers: but I hope you find I doe not so now, nor minde not to doe so hereafter: For to conclude this point anent ex- pences, I hold that a Kings expence must alwayes bee honourable, though not wastefull, and the charges of your King in maintaining those ancient honourable formes of liuing that the former Kings of England my Predecessours haue done, and his liuing to bee ruled according to the proportion of his greatnesse, is aswell for the honour of your Kingdome, as of your King. Now this cannot be supplied out of the ayre or liquid elements, but must come from the people. And for re- mouing of that diffidence which men may haue, that I minde not to liue in any wastefull sort hereafter, will you but looke vpon my selfe and my posteritie; and if there were no more but that, it will teach you that if I were but a naturall man, I must needs bee carefull of my expences: For as for my owne person, I hope none that knowes me well, can thinke me but as little inclined to any prodigall humours of vnnecessary things, as any other reasonable man of a farre meaner estate. Therefore since (as I haue said) I cannot be helped but from the people; I assure my selfe that you will allow mee such measure of Supplie, as the people may beare, and support him with more Honourable meanes then others haue had, that (as I may say without vaunting) hath brought you more Honour then euer you had: For I hope there are no good Subiects either within, or out of the Parliament House, that would not be content for setting streight once and setling the Honour- able State of their King, to spare so much euery one of them out of their purses, which peraduenture they would in one night throw away at Dice or Cards, or bestow vpon a horse for their fancies, that might breake his necke or his legge the next morning: Nay I am sure euery good Subiect would rather chuse to liue more sparingly vpon his owne, then that his Kings State should be in want.

For conclusion then of this purpose, I wish you now to put a speedie end to your businesse. Freenesse in giuing graceth the gift, Bis dat, qui citò dat; The longer I want helpe, the greater will my debt still rise: and so must I looke for the greater helpes. And now I would pray you to turne your eyes with mee from home, and looke vpon forreine States. Consider that the eyes of all forreine States are vpon this affaire, and in expectation what the successe thereof will be; And what can they thinke, if ye depart without relieuing mee in that proportion that make me able to maintaine my State, but that either ye are vnwilling to helpe mee, thinking me vnworthy thereof, or at least that my State is so desperat, as it cannot be repaired, and so that the Parliament parts in disgrace with the King, and the King in distaste with the Parliament, which cannot but weaken my reputation both at home and abroad ? For of this you may be assured, that for- reine Princes care the more one for an other, if they may haue reason to expect that they may bee able to doe them good or harme in Retribution. And ye know, that if a King fall to be contemned with his neighbours, that cannot but bring an oppression and warre by them vpon him, and then will it be too late to support the King, when the cure is almost desperate. Things foreseene and preuented, are euer easliest remedied: And therefore I would aduise you now so to settle your businesse, as ye may not take in hand so many things at once, as may both crosse my errand, and euery one of them crosse another. Yee remember the French Prouerbe, Qui trop embrasse, rien estreint; We are not in this Parliament to make our Testament, as if wee should neuer meete againe, and that all things that were to be done in any Parliament, were to be done at this time: and yet for filling vp of your vacant houres, I will recommend to your consideration such nature of things, as are to bee specially thought vpon in these times. First I will beginne at GOD: for the beginning with him makes all other actions to bee blessed: And this I meane by the cause of Religion. Next I will speake of some things that concerne the Common-wealth. And thirdly, matters of Pleasure and ornament to the Kingdome.

As for Religion, we haue all great cause to take heed vnto it; Papists are waxed as proud at this time as euer they were, which makes many to think they haue some new plot in hand. And although the poorest sort of them bee (God be thanked) much decreased, yet doeth the greater sort of them dayly increase, especially among the foeminine Sexe; nay they are waxed so proud, that some say, no man dare present them, nor Iudges meddle with them, they are so backed and vpholden by diuers great Courtiers. It is a surer and better way to remooue the materials of fire before they bee kindled, then to quench the fire when once it is kindled. Nam leuius laedit quicquid praeuidimus ante. I doe not meane by this to mooue you to make stronger Lawes then are already made, but see those Lawes may bee well executed that are in force; otherwise they cannot but fall into contempt and become rustie. I neuer found, that blood and too much seueritie did good in matters of Religion: for, besides that it is a sure rule in Diuinitie, that God neuer loues to plant his Church by violence and bloodshed; naturall reason may euen perswade vs, and dayly experience prooues it trew, That when men are seuerely persecuted for Religion, the gallantnesse of many mens spirits, and the wilfulnes of their humours, rather then the iustnesse of the cause, makes them to take a pride boldly to endure any torments, or death it selfe, to gaine thereby the reputation of Martyrdome, though but in a false shadow.

Some doubts haue beene conceiued anent the vsing of the Oath of Allegiance, and that part of the Acte which ordaines the taking thereof, is thought so obscure, that no man can tell who ought to bee pressed therewith. For I my selfe, when vpon a time I called the Iudges before mee at their going to their Circuits, I mooued this question vnto them; wherein, as I thought they could not resolutely answere me: And therefore if there bee any scruple touching the ministring of it, I would wish it now to bee cleared. And since I haue with my owne pen brought the Popes quarell vpon mee, and proclaimed publique defiance to Babylon in maintaining it; should it now sleepe, and should I seeme (as it were) to steale from it againe ?

As for Recusants, let them bee all duely presented without exception: for in times past there hath beene too great a conniuence, and forbearing of them, especially of great mens wiues, and their kinne and followers. None ought to be spared from being brought vnder the danger of Law, and then it is my part to vse mercie, as I thinke conuenient. To winke at faults, and not to suffer them to bee discouered, is no Honour, nor Mercy in a King, neither is he euer thanked for it; It onely argues his dulnesse: But to forgiue faults after they are confessed, or tried, is Mercie. And now I must turne me in this case to you, my Lords the Bishops, and euen exhortyou earnestly, to be more carefull, then you haue bene, that your Officers may more duely present Recusants, then heretofore they haue done, without exception of persons; That although it must be the worke of GOD

hat must make their mindes to bee altered, yet at least by this course they may be stayed from increasing, or insulting vpon vs.

And that yee all may know the trewth of my heart in this case, I diuide all my Subiects that are Papists, into two rankes: either olde Papists, that were so brought vp in times of Poperie, like old Queene Mary Priests, and those, that though they bee younger in yeeres, yet haue neuer drunke in other milke, but beene still nusled in that blindnesse: Or else such as doe become Apostats; hauing once beene of our Profession, and haue forsaken the trewth, either vpon discon- tent, or practise, or else vpon a light vaine humour of Noueltie, making no more scruple to seeke out new formes of Religion, then if it were but a new forme of Garment, or a new cut or courtsey after the French fashion.

For the former sort, I pitie them; but if they bee good and quiet Subiects, I hate not their persons; and if I were a priuate man, I could well keepe a ciuill friendship and conuersation with some of them: But as for those Apostates, who, I know, must be greatest haters of their owne Sect, I confesse I can neuer shew any fauourable countenance toward them, and they may all of them be sure without exception, that they shall neuer finde any more fauour of mee, further then I must needs in Iustice afford them. And these would I haue the Law to strike seuereliest vpon, and you carefullest to discouer. Yee know there hath beene great stirre kept for begging Concealements these yeeres past; and I pray you, let mee begge this concealment both of the Bishops, and Iudges, That Papists be no longer concealed.

Next, as concerning the Common wealth, I doe speciall recommend vnto you the framing of some new Statute for preseruation of woods. In the end of the last Session of Parliament, ye had a Bill amongst you of that subiect; but because you found some faults therein, you cast out the whole Bil: But I could haue rather wished that yee had either mended it, or made a new one; For to cast out the whole Bill because of some faults, was euen as if a man, that had a new garment brought him, would chuse rather to go naked, then haue his garment made fit for him: But on my conscience, I cannot imagine why you should so lightly haue esteemed a thing, so necessary for the Common wealth, if it were not out of a litle frowardnesse amongst you at that time, that what I then recommended earnestly vnto you, it was the worse liked of. The maintenance of woods is a thing so neces- sary for this Kingdome, as it cannot stand, nor be a Kingdome without it: For it concernes you both in your Esse, Bene esse, and in pleasures. Your Esse: for without it you want the vse of one of the most necessarie Elements (which is Fire and fewell to dresse your meate with; for neither can the people liue in these colde Countries, if they want fire altogether, nor yet can you dresse your meate without it; and I thinke you will ill liue like the Cannibals vpon raw flesh: for the education of this people is farre from that. As to your bene esse; The decay of woods will necessarily bring the decay of Shipping, which both is the security of this Kingdome; since God hath by nature made the Sea to bee the wall of this

Iland; and the rather now, since God hath vnited it all in my Person and Crowne; As also by the decay of Shipping will you loose both all your forraine commodities that are fit for this contrey, and the venting of our owne, which is the losse of Trade, that is a maine pillar of this Kingdome. And as for Pleasure, yee know my delight in Hunting and Hawking, and many of your selues are of the same minde; and all this must needes decay, by the decay of Woods: Ye haue reason therefore to prouide a good Law vpon this Subiect.

Now as to the last point concerning matters of Pleasure, it consists in the pre- seruing of Game, which is now almost vtterly destroyed through all the King- dome. And if you offer not now a better Law for this, then was made in the last Session of Parliament, I will neuer thanke you for it: For as for your Law anent Partridge and Phesant, you haue giuen leaue to euery man how poore a Farmour that euer hee bee, to take and destroy them in his owne ground how he list. But I pray you, how can the Game bee maintained, if Gentlemen that haue great Lordships shall breed and preserue them there, and so soone as euer they shall but flie ouer the hedge and light in a poore fellowes Close, they shall all be destroyed ? Surely I know no remedie for perseruing the Game that breedes in my grounds, except I cast a roofe ouer all the ground, or else put veruels to the Partridges feet with my Armes vpon them, as my Hawkes haue: otherwise I know not how they shall bee knowen to be the Kings Partridges, when they light in a Farmours Close.

And by your Lawe against stealing of Deere or Conies, after a long discourse and prohibition of stealing them, you conclude in the end with a restriction, that all this punishment shall bee vnderstood to bee vsed against them that steale the Game in the night: Which hath much encouraged all the looser sort of people, that it was no fault to steale Deere, for they doe it not like theeues in the night. As was that Law of the Lacedemonians against theft, that did not forbid theft, but onely taught them to doe it cunningly, and without discouerie: Whereupon a foolish boy suffered a Foxe to gnaw his heart through his breast. And this doc- trine is like that Lesson of the Cannon Law, Si non castè, tamen cautè. I knowe you thinke that I speake partially in this case like a Hunter; But there is neuer a one of you that heares mee, that cares the least for the sport, for perseruation of the Game, but he would be as glad to haue a pastie of Venison if you might get it, as the best Hunter would: And if the Game be not preserued, you can eate no Venison. As for Partridge and Phesant, I doe not denie that Gentlemen should haue their sport, and specially vpon their owne ground. But first I doe not thinke such Game and pleasures should be free to base people. And next I would euen wish that Gentlemen should vse it in a Gentlemanlike fashion, and not with Nets, or Gunnes, or such other vngentlemanlike fashions that serue but for vtter destruction of all Game, nor yet to kill them at vnseasonable times, as to kill the Phesant and Partridges when they are no bigger then Mice, when as for euer one their Hawkes kill, ten will be destroyed with their Dogs and Horse feet; besides the great and intolerable harme they doe to Corne in that season.

And now in the end of all this faschious Speach, I must conclude like a Grey Frier, in speaking for my selfe at last. At the beginning of this Session of Parlia- ment, when the Treasourer opened my necessities vnto you, then my Purse onely laboured; But now that word is spread both at home and abroad of the de- maunds I haue made vnto you; my Reputation laboureth aswell as my Purse: For if you part without the repairing of my State in some reasonable sort, what can the world thinke, but that the euill will my Subiects beare vnto mee, hath bred a refuse ? And yee can neuer part so, without apprehending that I am dis- tasted with your behauiour, and yet to be in feare of my displeasure. But I assure and promise my selfe farre otherwise.

Thus haue I now performed my promise, in presenting vnto you the Christall of your Kings heart.

Yee know that principally by three wayes yee may wrong a Mirrour.

First, I pray you, looke not vpon my Mirrour with a false light: which yee doe, if ye mistake, or mis-vnderstand my Speach, and so alter the sence thereof.

But secondly, I pray you beware to soile it with a foule breath, and vncleane hands: I meane, that yee peruert not my words by any corrupt affections, turning them to an ill meaning, like one, who when hee heares the tolling of a Bell, fancies to himselfe, that it speakes those words which are most in his minde.

And lastly, (which is worst of all) beware to let it fall or breake: (for glasse is brittle) which ye doe, if ye lightly esteeme it, and by contemning it, conforme not your selues to my perswasions.

To conclude then: As all these three days of Iubile haue fallen in the midst of this season of penitence, wherein you haue presented your thanks to me, and I the like againe to you: So doe I wish and hope, that the end of this Parliament will bee such, as wee may all haue cause (both I your Head, and yee the Body) to ioyne in Eucharisticke Thanks and Praises vnto God, for our so good and happie an end.