CHAP. IX. ¶ Of a Prince tributarie or feudatarie: and
 whether he be a soueraigne Prince: and of the prerogative of honour amongst
 Soueraigne Princes. T His question deserueth a speciall Chapter by it
 selfe, for that it hath no communitie with the auntient markes of Soueraigntie,
 which were before the right of Fees, used in all Europe and Asia, and yet more
 in Turkie than in any place of the world: where the Timariots hold not the Fees
 they have to serue in the warres, but so long as pleaseth the king of the
 Turkes, who giueth them no longer but for tearme of their lives: which haue
 them with condition, that in time of warre the Timariots shall of their owne charge without any pay bring such a
 number of horsemen and horses, as is appointed in the subsidie bookes,
 according to the proportion of the rent of the fees, which they cal Timar, which is to say in their language, the Vse and profit, deriued as I suppose of the Greeke word
 ; and the word Timar signifying with them the honourable vse and profit,
 which is the true nature of Fee, to bee free from all tribute or base charges.
 And for this cause the vassall in the auntient law of the Lombards, is called
 Leude, which is to say, franke and free: Aldius and Alda, affranchised,
 from whence the words Alaudium and Laudimia are deriued, signifying the honourable rewards woont to be
 giuen to the lord of the fee, taking the oath of fealty of his vassall. But
 hauing thus much said for the explanation of these words, let vs proceed
 unto our purpose. We have said here before, him to be an absolute soueraigne, who next vnto
 almightie God, is subiect unto none: neither holdeth any thing next unto God,
 but of his owne sword: For if he be enforced to serue any man, or to obey any
 mans commaund (be it by his owne good liking, or against his will) or if he
 hold of another man, he looseth the title of maiestie, and is no more a
 soueraigne, as saith a certaine Poet: Esse sat est seruum, iam nolo These Vicarij were
 slaues commaunded. vicarius esse: Qui Rex est, Regem Maxime non habeat. To be a slaue it is enough, I will not serue a slaue: 

 Who is a king, friend Maximus, no other king must
 haue. If they then which hold in fealtie and homage have no maiestie or soueraigntie,
 there should be but few soueraigne princes to be found. And if were graunt that
 they which hold in fealtie and homage, or that are tributaries, be soueraignes,
 wee must by the same reason confesse, the vassall and his lord, the master and
 the seruant, to be equal in greatnes, power, and authoritie. And yet the
 doctors of the law hold that the dukes of Milan, Mantua, Ferrara, and Sauoy,
 yea euen and some Counties also are soueraignes: The county
 of A ti. which altogether differ from those
 things which wee have before said of the right of maiestie and soueraigntie.
 Wherefore it is requisit for vs more exquisitly to entreat of these matters, whereof dependeth the principall
 point of soueraigntie, and the prerogative of honour amongst princes, which
 they esteeme as a thing unto them most deare of all things in the world. Wee said before in the Chapter of Patronage (which we otherwise call
 Protection) that princes which are in protection, if they have no other
 subiection, hold yet their maiestie and soueraigntie, although they have enred
 into inequal alliance, whereby they are bound to acknowledge their protectors
 in all honour. But there is great difference betwixt them which are in simple
 protection onely, and them which hold in fealtie and
 homage. For the client, or he which is the simple protection of another
 

 The difference betwixt him which is onely in the simple
 protection of another prince, and him that oweth unto him fealtie and
 homage. prince onely, acknowledgeth his patron his superiour, in the
 league of their confederation, but no further than the dignitie of the person
 and place requireth: but the vassall, or he which holdeth in fealtie and
 homage, is glad not onely to acknowledge his lord for his superiour, but is
 enforced also in humble wise to giue unto him his faith and dutie, or els to
 forgo his fee. When I say fealtie & homage, I meane the oath of fidelity,
 the submission, the seruice, and dutie of the vassall, which he is by the
 tenour of his fee bound to giue unto his lord. Which that it may be the better vnderstood, we will make nine degrees of
 inferiours, Nine degrees of subiection of inferiors
 towards their superiors. in respect of their superiours: beside him
 who next unto almightie God, acknowledgeth none superiour unto himselfe. The
 first sort, is of such princes as are in the 
 protection of him whose maiestie they obserue and reuerence, and commonly giue
 themselves into his protection, so to bee the safer against their most mightie
 enemies. The second, is of such princes as acknowledge a superiour in their
 confederation, unto whome they vse to pay a tribute or pension, so by his helpe
 and aid to bee the safer: which deserueth not to be called patronage, because
 it is mercenarie, whereas unto kind dutie no reward is due. The third is, of
 such princes as being overcome by the more mightie, have of him receiued peace,
 who yet keepe their maiestie and soueraigntie, with condition, courteously to
 reuerence the maiestie of the victor, and to pay unto him a yearely tribute,
 for which they are from him to receiue neither protection nor aide. And albeit
 that these seeme to be more charged than they which are but in protection; yet is it so, that in effect they are
 greater, for in paying the tribute they have promised for their peace, they are
 acquited, and have nothing to doe with any other for the defence of their
 estate. The fourth sort is of them which are themselves kings, and freely
 exercise their soueraigntie over their owne subiects; but yet are vassales or
 feudataries to some other prince for some fee, bee it greater or bee it lesse,
 which they from him receiue. The fift sort, is of them which are not kings,
 neither have any soueraigntie, but are become vassals for their fee, and are
 simply called meere vassals, who are bound to defend the honour of their lord,
 and to take up arms for him, but not at all times, nor against all men. The
 sixt sort are they whom wee call liege vassals, who are not naturall subiects
 unto the prince, but hauing giuen him their 
 faith, are bound to defend his dignitie and honour, and for his defence to take
 up armes without exception; yet not alwaies, nor in all places, but so farre
 forth as the profit of the fee, or the contract of their vassallage extendeth.
 The seuenth sort are they whom we call subiects, whether they be vassals or
 tenants, or such as hold no land at all, who are bound to fight for the honour
 and defence of their prince as well as for themselves, and to have the same
 enemies and the same friends that he hath. The eight sort is of them, which in
 former time delivered from slauerie, yet retaine a certaine kind of seruitude,
 as doe they which are tied unto the soyle, and are of vs called Mort-maines.
 The last sort are the right slaues. This distinction of the degrees of
 subiection, I have made to take away the confusion that many make of the
 subiect with the vassall; and of the simple
 vassall with the liege man; and hold, that the liege man oweth all obedience
 unto his lord towards and against all men; and that the simple vassall
 reserueth his superior: and yet neuerthelesse there is but the subiect onely
 which oweth his obeysance. For the vassall, be he liege or simple, if he be not
 a subiect, oweth but the seruice and homage expressed in his inuestiture, from
 which hee may without fraud exempt The difference of a
 vassall, or a liege man from a naturall subiect. himself, by yeelding
 up his fee: but the naturall subiect, which holds in fee, in farme, or fee
 simple, or be it that he hold nothing at all that he can call his owne, yet can
 hee not by any meanes without the consent of his prince exempt himselfe from
 the personall obligation wherewith he is unto him
 bound, as we have before declared. The simple 
 vassall is bound but once in his life to giue his oath of fidelitie unto his
 lord: and such a vassall it may be as is neuer bound to giue his oath: for that
 the fee may bee without any such obligation of giuing his faith, as is to be
 seene in the old lawes of fees, (contrarie to that which M,
 Charles du Molin hath both thought and writ) but the subiect whatsoeuer
 is alwaies and in all places bound to give his oath, and so oft as it shal
 please his soueraigne prince to require it: yea although he were a bishop
 without any temporalitie at all. As for the liege man, it is not requisite that
 he should bee subiect unto the lord of whom he holdeth: for it may be, that he
 may be a soueraigne prince, holding some seignorie of another prince in liege,
 fealtie and homage: it may also be, that he may be the naturall subiect of one
 prince, and liege man to another, by reason of his fee: or well the simple vassall of one Lord, without being
 subiect or liegeman to another: and naturall subiect to another, to whome he is
 iusticiable, and yet holdeth of him neither fee nor reuenew. For the vassall of
 a vassall is not for that, either vassall or subiect of the same lord, if it
 bee not in regard of the same fee. But it is needfull to explaine that we haue
 said by examples. We find that the kings of England have giuen their liege faith and homage vnto
 the kings of Fraunce for all the countries which they hold on this side the
 sea, except the counties of Oye and Guynes: And yet neuerthelesse they held the
 kingdomes of England and Ireland in soueraigntie without acknowledgement of any
 other prince whatsoeuer. But after in the yeare 1212 they made themselves
 vassals unto the Pope and the church of Rome,
 and not onely vassals, but also tributaries: beside the annuall gift of smoke
 money, of auntient time graunted by Ine king of England,
 in the yeare 740, & augmented by Etelpe, which they
 called S. Peters pence. For it is found, that Iohn king of England, by the consent of all the counties,
 barrons and lords of the land, made himselfe vassall unto the pope and church
 of Rome, and vowed to hold the realmes of England and Ireland of him in fealtie
 and homage, with the charge to pay the yearely rent and reuenew of a thousand
 markes for euer, upon Michaelmas day, beside the Peter pence, which I have spoken of: & gaue his faith
 and homage unto the legat of pope Innocent the third, in
 the yeare 1213, in the presence of his chauncelor, the archbishop of
 Canterburie, foure bishops, sixe counties, and many other great
 lords. The Bull was made in autentique
 forme, whereof I have seene the copie in a register of the Vatican, taken out
 by the commaundement of chauncelour du Prat, when he was Legat. And albeit that
 Sir Thomas More, chauncelour of England, was the
 first that maintained the contrarie: yet so it is, that in the same time, and
 vntill that king Henrie the eight reuolted from the
 pope, in the yeare 1534, the yearely reuenew and tribute was alwaies paied. But
 that is worth the noting, that the act of fealtie and homage, giuen unto pope
 Innocent the the third, importeth that Iohn then king of England, humbly requested forgiuenesse
 of his sinnes of the popes legat. Whereby it is plaine, that patronage of the
 bishop of Rome to have bene by him sought for, to extenuat the horrible murder
 which he had cruelly committed upon the person of young 

 Arthure his brothers sonne, duke of Britaine, and
 lawfull successour to the crowne of England; least otherwise he should haue
 bene therfore excommunicated by the pope. Whereas Philip
 Augustus, king of Fraunce, for the same cause had confiscated the
 duchies of Normandie, Guyenne, Aniou, Touraine, le Maine, & all the
 countries whereunto he pretended any right, on this side the sea: which the
 kings of England held by fealtie and liege homage of the king of Fraunce; and
 yet had the chiefe soueraigntie The king of Scots vassals to the English. over the
 realmes of England, Ireland, and Scotland. For first Constantine king of the Scots, with the rest of the nobilitie of that
 country, did fealtie and homage to Adelstan 

 king of England; and after that Baliol king of Scots did fealtie and homage also to the king of England, declaring himselfe to hold the
 kingdome of Scotland under the protection of the English, excepting the xxxij
 Islands of the Orcades, which then & afterwards also were holden in fealtie
 and homage of the kings of Norway; and owe unto the new king comming to the
 crowne ten markes of gold, as was agreed betwixt the kings of Scotland and
 Denmark, to end the warres, which were renewed for the same isles, in the yeare
 1564; as I have learned by the letters of M. Danzai, 
 ambassador for the king in Denmarke. Howbeit the kings of Scotland which
 raigned after Baliol, renounced their homage unto the
 English, neither acknowledging them for their superiours, or yet to be vnto
 them vassals. And albeit that Dauid king of Scots did
 what he could with his subiects to consent that the kingdome of Scotland might
 bee holden of England in fealtie and homage:
 yet so it was, that he remained nine yeares in prison, and by the treatie made
 betwixt Edward the third his brother in law, and him, it
 was agreed, that he should be set at libertie, without any more obtained from
 his estates but that he should live in amitie and friendship with him. As for
 the realme of Ireland, it is not long since it receiued the English government,
 excepting yet the earle of Argueil, who seemed alwayes to keepe the state of
 soueraigntie. So might we say also of the king of Denmarke, who is a soueraigne prince in
 part The kings of Denmarke in antient time vassals vnto
 the German empire. of the kingdome of Norway, without acknowledging
 any prince for his superiour whatsoeuer; and yet holdeth part of the duchie of
 Holsatia of the emperour in fealty and homage: in which sort he in auntient
 time held the countrey of Denmarke, which was
 but a plaine dukedome, when Canutus duke of Denmarke
 yeelded fealtie and homage unto the emperour Lothaire, 
 and afterward to the emperour Frederike the fift: who
 first of all sent unto Peter duke of Denmarke the sword
 and the crowne, and honoured him with royall dignitie; yet with condition, That
 hee should for euer yeeld unto the emperour fealtie and homage: howbeit that
 his posteritie afterwards reuolted from the empire. And yet neuerthelesse these
 whome I have named, beeing no subiects, neither acknowledging the greatnes of
 any prince, but in respect of the fees A fee is not to be
 giuen up but simply and without fraud. that they hold of other
 princes, are acquitted of their fealtie homage and seruice, by giuing up their
 fee without fraud. I say without fraud, for that it is not lawfull for the
 vassall to forsake his lord and patron at his need, although he would renounce
 his fee: albeit that there be no other
 penaltie but the losse of fee appointed for him who in time of warre forsaketh
 his lord; for that he doth an irreparable preiudice unto his honour, which for
 euer remaineth engaged for so foule a fact, as to have forsaken his lord in
 time of daunger: seeing that by the oath of fidelitie the vassall, but
 especially the liege vassall ought to aide him, were it against his owne
 brethren and children. Yea some lawyers are of opinion, that he ought to aid
 his lord and patron, euen against his owne father: wherein I can in no wise
 agree with them, for that the first and chiefe fidelitie is due unto our
 parents. But if the vassall be also a subiect, hee looseth not onely his fee
 and honour, if he forsake his soueraigne prince at his need, but euen his life
 thereon dependeth: seeing that it is death euen for a common souldior, not to
 defend his captaine in battell. Wherefore we
 are not to maruell, if Iohn de Montfort, and Peter, dukes of Britaigne would neuer yeeld their fealtie
 unto the French kings without exception, as their liege men for the dukedome of
 Britaigne: about which matter the chauncelors of Fraunce and Britaigne were
 twice at debate before the kings, Charles the fift, and
 Charles the sixt. And albeit that these two kings
 caused two acts to be produced, concerning the fealtie and homage done by the
 dukes of Britaigne, to Philip the victorious and Lewes the eight: yet for all that, the dukes would not
 doe their homage as liege men, but were receiued doing their simple homage
 onely. True it is, that the liege homage yeelded to Lewes the eight, was not but for the life of him that did
 it, as appeared by the act, without binding of
 his successours. And the other act which is of yong Arthure, was not pure and simple, but onely conditionall; as to be
 restored by Philip the victorious, unto the territories
 and segnories from which he was embarred; which he did not. Now such is the
 force and nature of true and lawfull acts, as not to admit any time or
 condition, and the act of fealtie and homage of all other acts the least. But
 the end of the controuersie was, that the simple oath of Iohn and Peter should bee taken, least they
 should seeme to bee the liege vassals of the French: although both those dukes
 ought of right to have bene depriued of the fee of the dukedome of Britaigne,
 for that they had renounced the French king their lawfull patron. Neither
 is The auntient countie of
 Britaigne, vassals to the kings of France. there any doubt, but that
 in truth the auntient counties of Britaigne were true subiects and liege men unto the kings of Fraunce (as is to be seene
 in the histories of Gregorie bishop of Tours) and being
 reuolted, were subdued by Charlemaigne, and afterwards
 by Lewes the deuout, to whome they did homage, and
 yeelded all obeysance with hostages; as a man may see in the histories of Floard and Girald, whome some call
 Vitald, the nephew of Charlemaigne. And againe for another rebellion against Charles the Bauld, in the yeare 1359, they were accused
 unto the estates, of treason, & so condemned and executed: which could not
 have taken place but against the naturall subiect, for treason against his
 soueraigne prince. And after that Herispo countie of
 Britaigne, doing his fealtie, and with a great summe of money giuen appeased
 Charles the Bauld: as had also before him duke Iudicael pleased Dagobert. Neither
 is it true, or like to be true, that Clodoueus, who had bounded the kingdome of Fraunce with
 the Pyrenei Mountaines, both the seas, and the riuer of Rheine; or Charlemaigne that had in many places vanquished infinit
 numbers of the barbarous nations, and had subdued Spaine, Italie, Hungarie,
 Germanie, the Saxons, them of Pomerland, the Polonians, and Russians, and had
 extended his empire euen as faire as Scithia, would have receiued the dukes of
 Britaigne, euen in the bowels of Fraunce, as companions of the French empire.
 And admit that by the favour of any the French kings, they obtained respite of
 homage, that could not be preiudicial unto the kings their successors, and much
 lesse unto the crowne of Fraunce. And that more is, in the treaties betwixt the
 kings of Fraunce, and the first dukes of Normandie, it is expresly set downe,
 That the counties of Britaigne, should be
 vassals unto the dukes of Normandie, unto whome they had oftentimes giuen their
 fealtie and homage: which could nor possibly have bene, if they had not bene
 vassals and liege men unto the crowne, seeing that the dukes of Normandie had
 giuen their fealtie and liege homage unto the kings of Fraunce, & the
 counties of Britaigne unto the dukes. And if true it be, that the vassall can
 neuer prescribe for his fealtie and homage against his lord; how then can the
 subiect prescribe for his subiection against his prince? So the Seneschall of
 Renes (a man verie well learned) cannot abide that Peter de
 Dreux prince of the blood, surnamed Maucler, had
 acquited the soueraigntie of Britaigne unto the kings of Fraunce, seeing that
 hee was vassall and naturall subiect unto the king: and yet neuerthelesse, in
 yeelding the homage, had reseruation to make
 lawes, to graunt pardons, to call parliaments, to take the Roialties reserued unto the dukes of Britaigne, notwithstanding their
 homage due unto the French king. benefit of confiscations euen in
 cases of high treason, the regall rights in churches, and feofments of trust.
 By which arguments not onely probable, but also necessarie, I am persuaded to
 write the dukedome of Britaigne, now euen from the times of the first kings of
 Fraunce, to have bene a prouince of the kingdome of France, although Argentraeus otherwise thinke. Yet is it worth the noting
 that Iohn Montfort and his successors, although they
 went about to have rent the dukedome of Britaigne from the kingdome of Fraunce,
 yet as counties of Montfort and Virtus to have alwaies yeelded their fealtie unto the French kings, without exception, as we
 read in the records, although that they still
 exercised in the countries of Britaigne certaine roialties granted them by the
 king. There is then great difference betwixt him which holdeth simply in fealtie and
 homage (being himselfe no soueraigne, nor subiect unto him which is lord of the
 fee) and him which is soueraigne of a countrey, and yet vassall to some other
 lord for some fee; as of him which is in protection onely, or which is
 tributarie unto a prince, hauing soueraigntie over his subiects, or which is
 himselfe a naturall subiect. Wherfore The prince that holdeth
 of another, is himselfe no absolute Soueraigne. we conclude, that
 there is none but he an absolute soueraigne, which holdeth nothing of another
 man; considering that the vassall for any fee whatsoeuer it be, be hee Pope or
 Emperor, oweth personall seruice by reason of the fee which he holdeth. For
 albeit that this word Seruice, in all matter of fees, and customes, is not preiudiciall vnto
 the naturall libertie of the vassall; yet so it is, that it importeth a
 certaine right, dutie, honor and reuerence that the vassall oweth unto the lord
 of the fee: which is not indeed a seruitude reall, but is annexed and
 inseperable from the person of the vassall, who cannot be therefrom freed, but
 by quitting his fee: prouided yet, that hee bee no naturall subiect of the
 lords of the fee, from whome he cannot discharge himselfe by renouncing his
 fee. Now when I say, that homage and personall seruice is inseperable from the
 vassall; Homage a personall seruice, and not to be
 performed by a deputie. that is so true, as that the vassall cannot
 acquit himselfe thereof by his deputie or atturney, as was permitted by the
 auntient lawes of fees; which in this point is abrogated in Europe, and Asia; yea and in Italie it selfe from whence
 the lawes of fees (as many thinke) first tooke their beginning. For Lewes Sfortia, gouernour of Lombardie, sent his Agent
 into Fraunce, to king Charles the eight, to haue
 obtained of him that his nephew the duke of Milan might by him be receiued to
 do his homage by his deputie for the duchie of Genes: whereunto the king would
 not condescend. And when question was made of taking of fealtie and homage of
 the marques of Salusse, the court of Paris decreed, That his deputie shuld be
 admitted in his name, if the king so thought it good; for that the marques
 pretended himselfe to be sicke: yet with that condition, that so soone as he
 was able he should come and doe it himselfe in person. The same hath also bene
 oft times iudged in such like cases. But contrariwise the lord of the fee
 may constraine his vassall to yeeld his
 fealtie and homage unto his deputie, as is commonly vsed. But if the vassall be
 yet under age, or so young as that he yet wanteth understanding, he is to be
 borne with for doing of his fealtie and homage, vntill he be of age to do it,
 except it pleaseth the lord of the fee to receiue it by his deputie: As did
 king Lewes the xj, who by Philip
 Commines his ambassador receiued fealtie & homage of the mother of
 young Galeas duke of Milan, for the duchie of Genes, the
 duke her sonne being under age, and paying fiftie thousand ducats for reliefe.
 And for the same cause in the treatie made betwixt Lewes 
 the eleuenth, and Maximilian archduke of Austria, in the
 yeare 1482, in the 56 article it was expresly set downe, That the subiects on
 both parts should be receiued to do their homage by their atturneies, which
 otherwise they should have bene constrained
 themselves in person to have done, if they had not bene sicke, or had some
 other iust and reasonable let; or that it was some bodie collegiat. For it much
 concerneth the honour of the lord and patron, whether homage be done unto him
 in the person of a king his vassall, or by some oeher base atturney or deputie.
 And for this cause it was agreed in the treatie of Amiens, made betwixt Philip the faire the French king, and Henrie king of England, in the yeare 1303, That the king of England
 should himselfe in persom come to do his fealtie and homage without exception,
 if he were not otherwise letted by sicknesse without deceit: in which case he should send his eldest sonne to doe the fealtie in
 his stead. And by another treatie made in the
 yeare 1330, betwixt Philip Valois, and king Edward the third, it was also said, That the king of
 England should in person come to doe his fealtie and homage, if he were not
 without fraud by sicknesse letted; which ceasing, hee should then also come.
 And by the treatie of peace, made in the yeare 1259, betwixt Lewes the ninth the French king, and Henrie the
 second, king of England, it is expresly declared, That the king of England
 should in person himself yeeld his fealtie & liege homage unto the French
 king. Which liege homage (as they tearme it) is of that force, as that the
 person of no prince, pope, or emperour, is therein excepted. Now the forme of
 the homage declared by the treatie, in the yeare 1331, betwixt Philip Valois the French king, and Edward the third, is this: The king of England hauing his hands
 ioyned, and put 

 The forme of the homage made by the kings of England vnto
 the kings of Fraunce. betwixt the hands of the French king, the
 Chauncel or of Fraunce for the French king, shall thus say unto the king of
 England, Thou shalt become a liege man to the king of
 Fraunce, who here is, as duke of Guyenne, and peere of Fraunce, countie of
 Poitou, and Monstrueil, and shalt promise to beare unto him faith and
 loyaltie: Whereunto the king of England shall say, I
 consent thereunto: Then the king of Fraunce shall receiue the king of
 England into his fealtie with a kisse. But the oath of Charles the king of Nauarre was more religious, when he yeelded his
 fealtie unto Charls the fift, the French king, in the
 yeare 1370: for that he was not onely the French kings vassall, but his subiect
 also, unto whome hee promised his faith and loialtie towardes and against all
 men, which could live or die: albeit that he was then soueraigne king of
 Nauarre, and pretended a right unto the
 soueraigntie of Berne, which yet resteth vndecided. The forme of the simple
 homage done by Iohn de Montfort, Arthure the second, and
 Peter the second, dukes of Britaigne, is like,
 excepting the word Liege man. But for vassals which be
 also subiects, the forme of fealtie is more religious & precise, for that
 they are bound with a double bond, whereas the forren vassals are not so. For
 the king of England, Edward the third being come to
 Amiens to doe his homage unto the king of Fraunce, refused to ioyne his hands
 betwixt the hands of the king, and so returned into his kingdome, where it was
 sixe moneths debated betwixt the French kings commissioners, and the assembly
 of the estares, about the resolution for the forme of the homage: in fine, king
 Edward thought it better to follow the prescript
 forme, than to loose so many benefits as he
 then enioyed in Fraunce. But if the vassall be also a naturall subiect unto his
 lord and patron, he is bound to lay by his sword, his gloues, his hat, his
 cloke, his spurres, and upon his knees to put his hands ioyned together, into
 the hands of his prince, or of his deputie, and so to take his oath: and by the
 custome of this realme, if it pleaseth not the lord, he is not bound to be
 present, or to kisse his vassall; but may (if he so please) being present, see
 him in forme, as we have aforesaid, giue his fealtie and homage to some small
 officer, or before his house, by kissing the hammer of his doore. But by the
 customs of Vermandbis, the vassall is bound to do his fealtie unto his lord
 being present; but if he be absent, it is sufficient for the vassall being
 present, to cause it to be done by his atturney, least the honour of the
 vassall should bee impaired by the basenesse
 of the person of his lords atturney. But if the vassall have thirtie heires,
 every one of them is constrained to yeeld his fealtie unto his patron requiring
 the same: as was long since prouided by the decree of Philip the Victorious, the French king, in the yeare 1209. Yet some
 vse another custome. Shall we then say, a Vassall (that is to say another mans man) although he at
 home Homage a base & seruile thing, and therefore
 detested of honorable princes. enioy a kingdome, to have a soueraigne
 maiestie and power? Shall we call him that is bound to doe most vile seruices,
 (and to vse the words of fealtie) him that serueth another man, shall we call
 him, I say, a soueraigne prince? And that is it for which manie▪ honourable princes had rather to loose and forgoe right great
 seignories, and their most rich fees, than to
 serue such a slauerie. And othersome againe, to the contrarie, would not sell
 their soueraigntie for any thing in the world. As the prince of Orange refused
 of king Lewis the eleuenth, ten times so much as his
 principalitie was worth, which stood him in more than hee receiued profit
 thereby: And for the same cause Edward the third, king
 of England, in the first article of the treatie of Bretigni expresly excepted,
 that all royalties should be giuen unto himselfe in those countries which he
 had by inheritance in Fraunce; least he should for them have beene enforced to
 have yeelded fealtie and homage unto the French kings. Neither for any other
 cause did Stephen, Vayuod of Valachia, reuolt from the
 kings of Polonia, but for that the king of Polonia had caused his tent to be
 cast wide open at the same very instant that the Vayuod was therein doing unto him his homage, that so he might be seene of
 all men in doing of it. Which s ie disgrace the Vayuod
 tooke in very euill part: which is not to be maruelled at in so great a lord as
 he, if wee doe but consider, that Calisthenes the nephew
 of Aristotle chose rather to loose his life, than after
 the Persian guise, in humble and deuout manner upon his knees to honour Alexander the Great: albeit that Alexander courteously tooke them up with a kisse that so honoured him.
 Which was also an vsuall thing with the Romane emperours, when they gaue vnto
 the kings that were in their protection, their scepters and diademes. For so
 Tiridates king of Armenia being come to Rome, humbled
 himselfe upon his knee before the emperour Nero, whom
 Nero taking by the hand, lift him up, kissed him, and
 taking his turbant from off his head, set
 thereon a royall crowne, and caused him to sit on his right hand. For albeit
 that the kingdomes were giuen by the Romane emperours without reseruation of
 fealtie or homage, yet so it was, that the kings laying aside their scepters
 and crownes, of their owne accord serued the Romane emperours, some as
 seruitors in their chambers, othersome called themselves but the Romane
 stewards, as Adherball king of Numidia tearmed himselfe
 nothing but the steward of the people of Rome. And Eumenes king of Pergame after the discomfiture and death of Mithridates king of Pontus The wearing
 of a cap was in auntient time the marke of them that were but lately made
 free, to cover their heads that were shauen when they were slaues. 
 came to Rome, and with a cap upon his head (in token of his late recouered
 libertie) thanked the people of Rome for the same. But Prusias king of Bithynia as oft as he went into the Senate, commonly
 kissed the threshold of the gate, calling himselfe the Senates slaue: albeit that he was neither subiect nor
 tributarie, nor so much as in the Romanes protection, but ioyned unto them in
 equall confederation. All these honours, were they neuer so great, proceeding
 from their owne voluntarie will, did little or nothing at all diminish the
 maiestie of a soueraigne prince, as doth that forme of homage which is seruile
 and constrained, and which the Tartars, Persians, and Turkes esteeme to bee the
 true seruice of a very slaue. And truly Solyman the
 Turkish king was about to have restored Iohn king of
 Hungarie into his kingdome in the yeare 1555, with condition to have holden the
 same of him in fealtie and homage, without other subiection (as he by a Chiaus
 his embassadour, certified Sigismundus Augustus king of
 Polonia) if king Ferdinand, who pretended the kingdome
 of Hungarie to belong unto himselfe by
 inheritance, had not letted him so to doe; as I have seene by the letters of
 Sanislaus Rosdrazeroski, a Polonian, written to Anne Mommorancie constable of Fraunce the same yeare
 1555. And for this cause Francis the French king to
 hinder that Charlet of Austria should not bee chosen
 emperour, declared unto the princes, Electors of the Empire, that the maiestie
 of the Empire should be much debased, if they should of his vassall make their
 head and Emperour: wherewith the emperour not a little moued, and afterwards at
 the battell of Pa ie hauing taken him prisoner, would
 neuer consent unto his deliverance, vntill hee had quite discharged the Low countries from the fealtie and homage wherein they were
 before bound unto the French. But it seemeth that it is not enough to say, that Charles of Austria was vassall unto the crowne of Fraunce, but that he
 was thereunto a liegeman also; and not onely a Charles the
 fift a naturall subiect of these French Kings▪ liegeman, but euen the
 French kings naturall subiect; as borne & brought up in Flanders, then a
 prouince of the French kingdom: although many think the citie of Gaunt the
 natiue place of Charles, and the cities upon the sea
 coast to have bene excepted. For the earles of Flaunders were alwaies accounted
 peers of Fraunce, euen from the first beginning of that kingdome: and the
 soueraigne roialties thereof, alwaies before reserued unto the same, but
 especiallie at the solemne treatie of Arras betwixt Charles the seuenth and Philip the second duke
 of Burgundie. Also Charles the fift beeing chosen
 emperour, asked leaue of Francis the French king, that hee might leuie of his subiects the
 subsidie graunted him at Arras, in the yeare 1520; whereunto the kings aunswere
 was, That he would therein do what he might, without diminishing in any thing
 the right of his crowne: as I have seene by the instructions giuen to M. De la Roche-Gaucourt at such time as hee was sent
 ambassadour into Spaine. Although that greater causes might have beene
 alleaged, which might have stayed German princes from the election of Charles the fift. For Charles of
 Austria was as then Charls the fift vassall and liegeman vnto
 the pope and the Church of Rome. not onely the vassall, liegeman, and
 naturall subiect to the king of Fraunce, but also a liegeman unto the pope and
 the church of Rome, for all the countries, lands, and seignories that he then
 held, except that which he held of the crowne of Fraunce, or of the empire; howbeit that he as then held nothing of the
 empire, but the lands neere unto the Rhene, and Cambray: For Arnold the last of that name, countie of Burgundie, gaue it with the
 other countries to the emperor Conrade the second, in
 the yeare 1205, and after that, the emperour Charles the
 fourth gaue it to Charles the sixt, the Dolphin, by
 fealtie and homage, as appeareth by the inuestiture thereof in the treasure of
 Fraunce, the copie whereof we have out of the records. But at such time as he
 professed The kingdom of Naples
 and Sicilie holden of the pope. himselfe to be the liegeman of the
 bishop of Rome, in his fealtie giuen for the kingdome of Naples, he then
 promised by his oath, not to take upon him either the charge of the German
 empire, if he were chosen emperour by the German princes; either of the
 dukedome of Milan; and with these conditions gaue his fealtie and homage vnthe
 pope: which is not to be thought any new
 clause, but an auntient condition, ioyned unto all the acts of fealtie and
 homage giuen unto the pope by the kings of Naples and Sicilie, since the time
 that pope Vrban the fift, therin inuested Charles of France brother unto king Lewes. And in the inuestiture of that kingdome, made by Innocent the fourth, unto Edmond 
 the sonne of Henrie king of England, in the yeare 1255,
 the copie whereof we have written out of the Vatican records, are these words,
 Ego Henricus, Dei gratia Rex Angliae, nomine Edmundi filij
 nostri Regis Siciliae, plenum & ligeum vassallagium facio ecclesiae
 Romana. viz. I Henrie, by the grace of God king
 of England, in the name of Edmund our sonne, king of
 Sicilie, yeeld full and liege homage unto the church of Rome, &c. And in
 the act of fealtie and liege homage giuen by
 Robert king of Sicilie, in the 1338, he by oath
 promised neuer to receiue the imperiall crowne, neither the dukedome of Milan,
 nor any seignorie whatsoeuer in Tuscanie, upon paine of the losse of all such
 right as he might pretend unto the kingdomes of Naples and Sicilie. The like is
 also found giuen by Charles king of Naples, in the yeare
 1295: and by queene Ione in the yeare 1348, as I haue
 read in the register of the Vatican. And for this onely cause pope Iulius the second refused to inuest Ferdinand king of Arragon, Charles the fift the
 emperours grandfather by the mothers side, in the kingdome of Naples, but upon
 the conditions I have aforesaid: and a yearely rent of
 eight thousand ounces of gold, or of foure score thousand crownes, which the
 

 The ounce is worth ten crownes kings of Naples were
 bound to pay euerie yeare, and a white ambling gelding, beside the aid
 expressed in the inuesture, with reseruation of the countie of Beneuent. Which
 their obligation was of such consequence unto the popes, that so soone as they
 denounced warre unto any, the kings of Naples were straight wayes in armes for
 the defence of the Church of Rome. So Alphonsus king of
 Naples, at the denuntiation of pope Sextus, made warre
 upon the state of Florence, for that they had hanged the Cardinall of Pisa, the
 popes Legat a latere in his pontificalibus. And in our
 time pope Paulus the third by his Ambassadour Alexander Farnesius, summoned the emperour Charles the fift, being then with a great armie in
 France, to make peace with the French king, so with their vnited forces to make
 warre upon the Protestant princes, as was 
 agreed upon in the first article of the treatie of Soissons, made in September
 in the yere 1544: which haply the emperour would not have done (hauing had his
 armie but a little before by the French men ouerthrowne in Italie, and now with
 doubtfull euent making warre in Fraunce) if he had not bene liege vassall vnto
 the pope, & by him threatned to loose the kingdoms of Naples and Sicilie,
 as he was well giuen to vnderstand. Which the pope did, not so much moued with
 the publike calamitie or troubled estate of the Church, as with the power of
 Charles, wherewith he was like to have subdued most
 part of Europe, had hee not bene letted by the armes and power of the French.
 And albeit that in the yeare 1528, by the treatie made betwixt pope Clement the vij and his Cardinals, besieged in the castle
 S. Angelo on the one side, and the emperour 

 Charles the fift on the other, it was set downe, That
 the kings of Naples should for euer be acquited of the yerely rent of 8000▪
 ounces of gold, and of all the arearages, which amounted unto great summes: yet
 so it was, that all the rest of the pointes of the auntient inuestiture, still
 stood in their former force and vertue. But euer since, the German emperours
 have well knowne, and the pope better, (seeing Rome sacked, and himselfe put to
 ransome of 400000 duckets, after he had released the fairest rights of S. Peters demaine) what daunger it was to make choice of the
 vassall of a soueraigne prince, and the natural subiect of another, to be head
 of the Empire: For with the forces of Germanie he brought downe the pope, and
 with the popes power hee ruinated the princes of Germanie. And albeit that by
 the imperiall title hee held the duchies of 
 Milan, of Gelders, and other seignories of the empire, yet so it is, that hee
 was the popes antient vassall & liege man, and so consequently to him first
 bound, & that more straitly unto the Church than to the empire. Ioine
 hereunto also, that the popes have since Pius Quintus the
 pope angrie with Ferdinand the emperour for not recei ing of him the imperiall crowne. this 300
 yeres pretended that the emperor may not take upon him the empire, but hauing
 before of them receiued the imperiall crowne; as pope Pius the fift by his Legats sharply rebuked the emperour Ferdinand, for that he had not of him receiued the
 imperiall crowne, which his brother Charles had not
 before doubted so to receiue; and had by excommunication compelled him so to
 doe, had hee not by the intreatie of king Philip his
 kinsman, and of the French king, otherwise appeased. But heresome man will say, How could it be that the emperor Charls the fift, should 

 The same man cannot be liegeman to diuers princ . be liegeman unto the pope, the French king,
 and the empire? seeing that no man can be liegeman unto many lords, although he
 have many fees holden of them all separatly: For his faith and aid is due to
 one alone, and him the first and chiefest, without exception of any man liuing.
 And in case he be the vassall of many coheires for one and the same fee, he is
 liegeman unto them all together, but not to any of them separatly, considering
 that his fealtie cannot be divided; neither can he do his liege homage unto one
 of them without exception, for the concurrence of the rest: yet truer it is,
 his fealtie to be due unto one onely of his patrons, whome he shall make choice
 of, if that his patrons cannot agree, or els to them
 altogether; and that law we now vse. For the 
 condition of the vassall ought not to be made more hard, than if there were
 unto one man, but one heire; but it should be much harder if he should bee
 enforeed to doe many duties, many seruices, and many times to giue his faith:
 and that much more the liege vassall, who cannot giue unto manie his faith
 seuerally, without exception. I here vnderstand the liege homage properly as it is to bee vnderstood in the
 lawes of Fees; for that our auncestors have abused this word Liege, in all their auntient treaties of alliance and oathes that they
 made: I remember that I have seene 48 treaties of alliance, which our kings Philip the v, and Charles the v.
 vj. vij. and Lewes the xj, made with the three electors
 on this side the Rhine, and diuers other the princes of the empire, wherein
 they by oath sworne betwixt the hands of the kings deputies, solemnly
 promised to serue them in their warres
 against all men, except the emperour, and the king of the Romans; vowing to be
 their vassals and liege men, more or lesse; some calling themselves
 councellours, some other pentioners, all liege vassals: except the Archbishop
 of Treuers, Elector of the empire, who no otherwise called himselfe, but the
 kings confederat, and not his vassall, although he receiued his pention from
 the king, as did the other princes; who for all this held nothing of the crowne
 of France, but were nothing but pentioners unto the French kings, to whome they
 gaue their oath to aid them, at their charge, upon the conditions expressed in
 their oathes. Onely the oath of the duke of Guelders, and countie of Iuliers, I
 will for example set downe, that thereby men may iudge of the rest, in Latine
 conceiued in these words, Ego deuenio vassallus ligius 

 

 Caroli Regis Francorum, pro ratione quinquaginta millium
 scutorum auri, ante festum D. Rhemigij mihi soluendorum, &c. viz. I
 become liege vassall of Charles the French king, for the
 summe of fiftie thousand crownes of gold, to be paid unto mee before the feast
 of S. Rhemigius, &c. This oath bore date in Iune, in
 the yeare 1401. Yea, euen betwixt kings themselves leagues were oftentimes
 conceiued in such words, as that the one of them professed himselfe to be the
 others vassall. As in the league made betwixt Philip of
 Valois the French king, and Alphonsus king of Castile,
 in the yeare 1336, it is said, That they should giue and
 receiue fealtie and homage the one of the other: which proceeding but
 of the ignorance of their ambassadours, is now better vnderstood, as but an
 abuse of the words Vassall and Liege: the oathes also of the kings pentioners, and their treaties, carrie no more such words. Wherefore againe to returne from whence we have a little digressed. I say
 then, The vasia ought first to
 serue his most auntient Lord that the emperour Charls the fift could not yeeld his liege fealtie and homage unto the
 pope without exception, considering that he was liege man, peere, and naturall
 subiect unto the French king, and that the seruice and homage is inseparable
 from the person. And admit he were not the kings subiect, but his liege man, or
 not his liege man but his vassall onely; yet so it is, that in tearmes of right
 the liege homage is due unto the most auntient, and that the vassall ought to
 serue his most auntient Lord. But if the lords be equall, and yet at variance
 amongst themselves for the seruice, hee oweth aid neither to the one nor to the
 other: For that in matter of seruices or seruitude, the seruice (for the indiuisible nature therof) is letted by the
 concurrence of them to whom it is to be done. For amongst equals the condition
 of him which forbiddeth (the seruice) is better: howbeit that in question of
 simple alliance, the aid is due unto him that is wronged and inuaded in his
 countrey against the other common allie which maketh warre upon him, as it
 commonly falleth out if the assailant have no iust cause, and that after
 denuntiation to him giuen by the common allies to come to some reasonable
 agreement, he refuse so to doe. But most certaine it is, that the naturall subiect ought alwayes to preferte
 his naturall lord aboue all, if he bee present; as him
 to whome he is first bound, & from whom he
 cannot exempt himselfe. And therefore in the decrees of king Lewes the eleuenth, and of Philip the second,
 duke of Burgundie, made for the order of Fraunce, the xiij article, and for the
 order of the golden Fleece, the ix article, it is set downe, That the knights
 of what prince soeuer it be, ought to aid their naturall lord, whose liege men
 they are, and the countrey wherein they were borne, against him that shall make
 war upon them, without any blemish to their honour; prouided that their
 naturall lord be there in person, and not otherwise, and that they signifie so
 much unto the chiefe of the order whereof they are knights. Whereby it
 appeareth that the emperour Charles the fift could not
 giue his faith unto the electors of the empire, but with reseruation of his
 fealtie unto the French king, and afterward unto the Pope. For beside the
 kingdome of Naples and Sicilie, holding of the
 pope immediatly and without meane, hee was also his vassall and liege man for
 the kingdome of Arragon, as I have red in the records taken out of the Vatican▪
 where the graunt giuen by Peter king of Arragon is set
 downe in these words, Ego Petrus Dei gratia Rex Arragonum,
 Comes Barcinonae, Dominus 

 The act of the oath of the king of Arragon giue to the
 pope. 

 Montispessulani, cupiens praeter Deum, principali beati
 Petri, & Apostolicae sedis protectione mu ri,
 tibi reuerendissime pater, & Domine summe Pontifex Innocēti, & pro
 te, sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Apostolicae sedi, offero regnum
 meum: illudque tibi pro remedio animae meae primogenitorum meorum constituo
 censuale, vt annuatim de Camera Regis ducenta quinquaginta Massimitinae
 Apostolicae sedi reddantur: & ego ac successores mei, specialiter &
 fideles & obnoxi teneamur: hac autem lege perpetua seruandum forum 

 

 decerno, quia spero & confido, quod tu & successores
 tui, quali beati, Petri manibus in regem duxeris solemniter coronandum.
 Actum Romae anno Christi 1204. In English thus: I Peter by the grace of God king of Arragon, Countie of Barcelona, Lord
 of Montpelier, desiring next unto God to be strengthened with the principall
 protection of blessed S. Peter and the Apostolicall See;
 do offer unto thee most reuerent father and high Lord, Pope Innocent, and for thee unto the most holy Church of Rome, and to the
 Apostolicall See, my kingdome; and the same for the health of my soule and of
 my predecessours, I make unto thee tributarie, so that out of the kings chamber
 shall bee yerely paied unto the Apostolical See, two hundred & fifty
 Massimitines, & that I and my successors shall be especially bound to be
 (unto you) faithfull and subiect; and by this
 perpetuall law decree a court to be kept: for that my hope and trust is, that
 thou & thy successors shalt lead vs as it were with the hands of blessed
 Peter, to be solemnly crowned king. Enacted at Rome
 in the yeare of Christ 1204. So that kingdome of Arragon was by the Arragonian
 kings offered unto the Bishops of Rome, least they should for their enormities
 and murders have bene well beaten. But the kingdomes of Sardinia and Corsica,
 was by the popes giuen unto the kings of Arragon (as the popes guise is
 bountifull to giue that is none of their owne) for which kingdome the Emperour
 was also liege man unto the Pope, as I have scene by the inuestiture thereof
 made unto Peter the third, king of Arragon, in this
 sort, Pontifex Max de fratrum suorum ascensus, 

 The inuestiture of the kingdomes of Sardinia and Corsica
 granted by the pope. 

 dat in feudum regnum Sardiniae & Corsicae, proprietatē
 ecclesi Romanae &c. Per capam 

 

 Auream te praesentialiter inuestimus, &c. Ita tamen quod
 tu & successores tui, praestabitis homagium ligium, vassallagium plenum,
 & fidelitatis iuramentum, &c. Et centū equites armatos, & vno
 equo ad arma, & duobus equitaturis adminus per quēlibet, &
 quintagentis peditibus terrae vestrae de Arragonia, cum gagijs per
 trimestre, a die quo intrabūt terrā Ecclesiae, &c. Et in super censum
 duorū milliū marcarū argenti bonorum, & legaliū strelingorū:
 vbicun{que} fuerit Romanus Pontifex in festo▪ beatorus Petri & Pauli,
 annis singulis, sub poena excommunicationis post quatuor menses, &c.
 & post tertium terminum non solueris, tu haeredes{que} tui, a dicto
 regno Sardiniae & Corsicae cadetis ex toto, & regnum ad Romanam 

 

 ecklesiam reuertetur. viz. The great bishop by the
 assent of his bretheren, doth giue in fee the
 kingdome of Sardinia and Corsica, the inheritance of the church of Rome,
 &c. And we personally therein, inuest thee by a cape of gold, &c. yet
 so as that thou and thy successours shall therefore giue liege homage, full
 vassalage, and oath of fidelitie, &c. And an hundred armed horse-men, and
 one horse for seruice, and two furnitures at the least for every one, and fiue
 hundred foote-men of your country of Aragon, with pay for three moneths from
 the day that they shall enter into the territorie of the church, &c. And
 moreover the rent of two thousand markes of good and lawfull sterling money,
 wheresoeuer the pope shall be in the feast of the blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul, euerie yeare, upon paine of
 excommunication after foure moneths, &c. and if after the third time thou
 shalt not pay it, thou and thy heires from the
 said kingdome of Sardinia and Corsica, shall altogether fall; and the same
 kingdome shall againe returne unto the church of Rome. And after that, Iames king of Aragon, did also like homage at Valence,
 betwixt the hands of the popes legate, in the yeare 1353, with reseruation vnto
 the pope of appeales, put in by the clergie, and abolishing of the lawes and
 customes brought in by the kings of that country. I finde also that Ferdinand, and after him Alphonsus, kings of Aragon, did the like fealtie and homage in the
 yeare 1455. And in the publike records of the court of Rome, are to be seene
 the names of the vassall kings set downe in this order: the kings of Naples,
 Sicilia, Aragon, Sardinia, Hierusalem, England, Ireland, and Hungary. And this
 is the old description of such princes as 380 yeres ago, yeelded their
 fealtie & homage unto the bishops of
 Rome. And since the kingdom of Portugall, was The kingdom of
 Portugall holden of the pope. by the valour of Henry of Benonia, taken from the Moores, the
 kings thereof made themselves vassalls unto the bishop of Rome, and payd the
 yearely tribute of two thousand duckats into the bishop of Rome his treasure.
 And therefore Innocent the fourth, bishop of Rome, by
 his letters admonished the princes of the kingdome of Portugall, to appoint
 ouerseers to their prodigall king, who should also take upon them the
 gouernement of the kingdome. And as for the Islands of the Canaries, Nigaries, 

 The islands of the Canaries▪ holden of the pope. and
 the Gorgonides; the emperour holdeth them also of the
 pope. We also reade, that Lewes king of Spaine, did
 fealtie and homage unto the pope, in the yeare 1343, with charge to pay yearely
 into the chamber of Rome, foure hundred florines of the weight and coine of Florence. And as for the remainder of
 the westerne Isles, and of Peru, it is certaine that pope Alexander the sixt, diuiding the new world betwixt the kinges of
 Castile and Portugall, expresly kept unto himselfe the inheritance, the
 iurisdiction and soueraignetie thereof, by consent of the two kings; who from
 that time made themselves his vassalls, of all the purchases and conquests by
 them already gained, and that they should from that time forward, gaine or
 make, as the Spaniards themselves have written. In like manner pope Iulius the second, gaue unto Ferdinand king of Spaine, Charles the fift, his
 grandfather by the mothers side, the kingdomes of Granado and Nauarre; when he had driuen the
 Moores out of the one, and Peter D'Albret out of the
 other, upon condition to hold them by fealty and homage of the church of Rome. For albeit that Charles the fift, the emperor pretended right unto the kingdome of Nauarre, by reason of the donation to him made by Germaine D'Foix, second wife unto king Ferdinande: yet so it was, that his ambassadours and deputies, when
 they came to the conference, seeing that their donation to want sure
 foundation, doubted not to pretend the popes interdictions, as the surest stay
 of their most vniust rapines. And the cause of the interdiction was, for that
 Peter Albret, king of Nauarre, 
 would not at the command of pope Iulius the second,
 breake faith and friendship with Lewes the xij, the
 French king, who was first called father of his country, when as hee was king Lewes his liege vassall,
 and no way bound unto the pope. So that there remained 

 The maiestie of Charles the fift impugned by this French
 author. no kingdome, no not any little territorie or peece of ground,
 which Charles the emperour held not by fealtie aud
 homage, or whereof he could call himselfe a soueraigne. For as for the Islands
 of Maiorca and Minorca, they were long time before reunited unto the kingdome
 of Aragon, after that they were taken from the heires of Iames the Fortunate. And in the Low-countries, he had nothing which
 was not of necessitie holden of the crowne of France, or of the empire. And
 albeit that our princes have by diuers leagues, granted the principalitie of
 Flanders and Artoise unto Charles the emperour, yet
 remaineth there a country in Burgundie, which they call the countie of
 Charrolois, the proprietie whereof belongeth unto the king of Spaine, but the
 soueraignetie thereof unto the French king, and is by the king of Spaine holden
 in fealty: so that euen for that, he is to
 ackdowledge himselfe to be our kings vassall. As for Title
 pretended by the French unto the kingdom of Castile. the kingdome of
 Castile, no man doubteth (which hath but looked into the Spanish affaires) but
 that the kingdome of Castile by inheritance, descended unto king Lewes the ix. of France, in the right of Blanch his mother: yea, and the nobilitie of Castile by
 solemne acts, which are yet extant in the records of France, inuited king Lewes to have taken upon him his mothers kingdome.
 Howbeit I doubt not, but that the Spaniards will reply, that Blanch, the daughter of Lewes the ix. married
 the king of Castile, upon condition that all such right unto the kingdome, as
 might have fallen unto her father, should now be giuen unto his sonne in law:
 which thing Lewes could not doe unto the preiudice of
 his successours; without the consent of the states: ioyning therevnto
 also that the French kings daughters or
 sisters, when they are bestowed and married, can receiue nothing but money of
 the royall possessions of the crowne of France▪ And albeit that some may thinke
 that the French king might giue those lands unto his daughter, as not yet
 vnited or incorporate into the crowne of France; yet neuerthelesse there is yet
 extant in the records of France, a league made in the yeare 1369, betwixt king
 Charles the fift and Henry 
 king of Castile, then driuen out of his kingdome, whereby I have seene, that
 Henry promised as well for himselfe, as for his
 successours, to become vassall, and to hold his kingdome of Castile, of the
 kings of Fraunce: for that by the meanes of the king of France, he was againe
 restored into his kingdome. Seeing then that the kingdome of Castile is
 hereditarie descending unto the heires both
 males and females, the successours of Henry are bound
 unto his deedes and promises. True it is, that the promise of Henry had not power to preiudice his successours, neither the estates
 of Castile, without the consent of whom, the treatie was made, if the realme of
 Castile had not beene hereditarie. But of the kingdome of Fraunce, it is
 otherwise to be thought and determined. And therefore it was by the wise
 resolued, that Phillip the Faire, the French king, could
 not make Arthur duke of Britaine, vassall unto the king
 of England, without the dukes consent; except he would by the same right, giue
 up his kingdome of France unto the king of England, which he could by no
 soueraigne power doe, without the consent of the estates of France. For
 otherwise, his yeelding of it up, should be to none effect or purpose, no more
 then that of king Iohn 

 of Fraunce, made unto the king of England in
 the treatie at Calais, wherein he without The author haply is
 in this partiall, or mistaken. consent of the
 states, yeelded unto the king of England, all the right and title he had in the
 kingdome of France: which was againe disanulled by the treatie of Chartres, whereby the king of England refused that right
 giuen unto him by such yeelding up. The same is to be thought of the league of
 Tricasse, wherein Charles the sixt, without the consent
 of the states, yeelded the kingdome of France unto Henry 
 the fi t, king of England. And therefore pope Martine could by no request of the English, be perswaded
 to ratifie that league, but called Charles the seauenth,
 sonne to Charles the sixt, by
 the name of the French king: for that the kingdome of Fraunce is neither
 deuolued by right of succession, (which they
 tearme from one intestate,) neither by testament, neither by resignation, but
 by vertue of the law royall, from which the kings themselves cannot derogat
 without the consent of the estates; which is not so in the kingdomes of Spaine,
 England, Scotland, Naples, and Nauarre. But cannot the imperiall title (may some man haply say) make him a soueraigne
 which is another mans vassall? As the prince or the people making a slaue a
 magistrat seemeth thereby to have also enfranchised him; whereof there is no
 doubt, if he be the princes or the peoples slaue; for otherwise it is not
 lawfull either for the prince, or for the people, to dispose of another mans
 seruant: so neither have the German princes any power over other mens citisens
 or subiects, such as was Charles the fift. Ioyne
 hereunto 

 The emperour n absolute
 soueraigne. to also, that the imperiall title of the emperour
 carrieth with it no soueraigntie: albeit that the emperour writing unto the
 princes of the empire, vse these wordes, Wee command you,
 &c. You shall do this, &c. which other princes do not toward
 their own subiects: yea and that more is, that the princes electors carrie the
 titles of Butlers, Esquiers, and Tasters to the emperour, yet the soueraigntie
 of the empire resteth not in the person of the emperour, but in the assemblie
 of the states of the empire, who are able to giue law unto the emperour, and to
 euerie prince of the empire in particular, in such sort as that the emperour
 hath not power to make any particular edict, neither peace nor warre, neither
 to charge the subiects of the empire so much as with one impost, nor to call or
 dismisse the diets of the empire, without the consent of the princes. And
 that is it for which the emperour Maximilian the first, at the diet of Constance, holden in
 the yeare 1507, said unto the estates (the popes legat then vrging that the
 imperiall crowne was both to be requested and receiued of the pope,) That to
 take the imperiall crowne of the pope was but a needlesse ceremonie, seruing to
 no purpose; considering that the imperiall authoritie and power depended of the
 estates of the empire: which in due place we will more particularly
 declare. Whereby a man may easily iudge, that there are few or none absolute
 soueraigne No prince in Italie which holdeth not of the
 pope, or of the empire. princes. For the Venetian Commonweale
 excepted, there are no princes or Commonweals in Italie, which hold not of the
 empire, the pope, or the crowne of Fraunce: which concerning the kingdome of
 Sicilie and Naples, we have alreadie declared. As for the duke of Milan he is a naturall vassall of the
 empire, from which hee taketh his The duke of Milan. 
 inuesture, and thereto payeth reliefe: for which the emperour Maximilian the first, in lesse than xv, or xvj yeares space, drue
 thence unto himselfe, aboue three hundred thousand pounds: For king Lewes the twelfth at one time paid therfore an hundred
 thousand pounds: and the Sforces had it no better cheape. For they which are
 now called dukes of Milan, in the remembrance of our auncestors, that is to say
 about an hundred and fiftie yeares agoe, were called but lieutenants, and the
 citie it selfe but the ordinarie chamber of the empire. And so namely Iohn Galeace the second, and Barnabas his brother, in the inuestiture which they had from the
 emperour Charles the fourth, are simply called
 lieutenants of the empire. And Galeace the first being
 accused for charging the subiects with
 subsidies, without the emperours leaue, was by a decree from the emperour sent
 prisoner unto the castle of Modene; where after he had of long time lived, he
 at length died; whose sonne Actius being by the emperour
 Lewes of Bauyere put into his fathers place, for the
 summe of an hundred thousand crownes, obtained of him the first title of a
 prince, in the yeare 1338. And after that, Galeace the
 third, father in law to Lewes duke of Orleans, payed
 unto the emperour Fredericke the third, an hundred
 thousand florines, for the honour and title of a duke, in the yeare one
 thousand three hundred ninetie seuen. So say we also of the duke of Mantua, who acknowledgeth
 himselfe to hold of the The duke of Mantua. Germaine empire, and to be also a
 prince thereof. As for the duke of Ferrara he confesseth euen at this present to hold part of
 his seignorie, The duke of Ferrara. euen Ferrara it
 selfe, of the pope, and therefore payeth a yearely rent or fee into the popes
 coffers. For not long ago, viz. in the yeare 1372, the
 marques of Este was by pope Gregory first established
 his lieutenant in the city of Ferrara, reseruing unto the church fealtie and
 homage, iurisdiction and soueraigntie; with condition also, that he should
 yearely pay ten thousand florens of gold into the chamber of S. Peter, and to find an hundred men at armes paied for
 three monethes, for the defence of the Church of Rome, so often as need should
 require, as I have learned out of the Vatican records. And as for Rhegium and
 Modene, he acknowledgeth him to hold them of the empire: albeit that pope Iulius the second
 maintained them to be the Church fees, and in that quarrell made warres upon
 the Ferrariens and the French king, who gaue them aide: as also to have the
 entire reuenue of the fee, beeing before diminished by pope Alexander the sixt, in marrying his base daughter Lucrece unto the duke Alphonsus. And true it
 is, that the French kings long since tooke upon them the defence and patronage
 of the prince of Ferrara, since the time that Borsus, 
 first duke of Ferrara, acknowledged himselfe liege vassall unto Charles the sixt, and therfore it was unto him permitted,
 that those dukes of Ferrara might beare the armes of Fraunce, the publike acts
 whereof yet remaine in the records of Fraunce. As concerning the Florentines, they of long time have pretended libertie
 against the 

 The Florentine 

 empire, for the payment of sixe thousand Florines unto the emperour Rodolphe. As also do the Genowayes, who as they say, were
 by the same emperour enfranchised. How The Genowayes. 
 be it that afterwards they hauing receiued great harme from the Venetians, gaue
 themselves into protection unto king Charles the sixt,
 the French king: and not long after unto the duke of Milan, who receiued them
 upon condition that they should therefore do fealtie and homage unto the French
 kings. In like case they of Luca paied unto the emperour Henrie 
 the fift, twelue thousand Florines to be enfranchised; Sienna ten thousand; And
 Peter Gambecourt payed twelue thousand unto the
 emperour Charles the fourth for the seignorie of
 Pisa. But these were not true alienations, nor exemptions from subiection; but rather
 simple graunts and gifts, with certaine
 priueleges to gouerne their estate, under the obeisance That
 a prince cannot alienat any thing of the publike demaine but that his
 successors may again resume the same. of the empire. It was not also
 in the power of the emperours, neither of any prince whatsoeuer, to alienat any
 thing of the publike demaine, and much lesse of the rights of the soueraigne
 maiestie, but that it was alwayes in the power of the successour to lay hand
 thereon againe, as it is lawfull for the lord to lay hold uppon his fugitiue
 slaue. As the emperour Maximilian, hauing thrust his
 armie into Italie, with the power of king Lewes the xij,
 and hauing brought a great feare upon all the cities of Italie, gaue them well
 to vnderstand: At which time the Florentines sent their ambassadors unto him,
 to yeeld unto him fealtie and homage for their estate, and to obtaine of him
 the confirmation of their priueleges, which cost them fortie thousand ducats.
 And albeit that Cosmus 
 duke of Florence, by force of armes made himselfe lord of Sienna: yet so it
 was, that he tooke the inuestiture therof, & yeelded therfore sealtie &
 homage unto the king of Spaine, as perpetuall lieutenant of the empire. Which
 is sufficient reason to show, that they of Sienna were not before enfranchised
 or exempted from the empire; or if they were, why did then pope Iulius the second pay thirtie thousand ducats to Maximilian the emperour, to redeeme of him the libertie
 of Sienna, to the intent to inuest therein . the duke of Vrbin. And yet neuerthelesse all
 that letted not, but that the duke of Florence, which had conquered it by force
 of armes, was constrained to take the inuestiture
 thereof of the king of Spaine, and to pay therefore sixe hundred thousand crownes, which afterwards the king of
 Spaine would have againe repayed unto the duke of Florence, to have restored
 Sienna into the former estate; which he would not do, being enformed that the
 king of Spayne would have giuen it to the duke of Parma, to reunite Placence
 and Parma unto the duchie of Milan, from whence they had bene before
 distracted. And how then could the German emperours, which are subiects vnto
 the estates of the empire, alienat the demaine and rights of soueraigntie, in
 giuing the rights of soueraigntie unto the cities of Italie, or libertie vnto
 the tributarie people; seeing that the absolute soueraigne prince cannot so do?
 no not so much as to distract one clod of the publike land, much lesse to giue
 away the proprietie. For kings and other great princes (to say truely) have not
 the proprietie of the publike demaines, nay
 not so much as the whole vse and profit: for that That
 princes have not the proprietie of the publike demaine but onely the bare
 vse. contenting themselves with the bare vse, the rest belongeth vnto
 the common-weale. And for that cause the Emperour Charles the fourth, granting the confirmation of the priuileges to
 them of Perouze, ioyned thereunto this clause, Quoad vi eret: So long as he should live. And yet for
 all that pope Iulius the second tooke that towne from
 the Baillions, and put it under the obeysance of the Church, from whence it was
 said to have bene taken. And how could the cities of Italie, or duke of
 Florence, have any absolute soueraigntie, seeing that for all differences and
 controuersies concerning their estates, frontiers, demaines, and tenures, they
 plead the same before the emperour, or at least wise in the imperiall chamber,
 where their causes are decided, and they enforced to doe as is there adiudged. And albeit that they of Genes,
 who seemed to hold lesse of the empire than any one of the other townes of
 Italie, where by the marques of Finall (whome they had driuen out of his
 estate) summoned before the emperour Maximilian the
 second, in the yeare 1559: and that they would receiue the emperour as an
 arbitratour, and not as a judge or a superiour: yet so it was, that the
 emperour taking upon him the authoritie of a iudge, caused them before warned,
 to be summoned, and when that after many peremptorie edicts they made not their
 appearance, he pronounced sentence against them, and by an herault at armes
 threatned to proscribe the territorie of Genes if they obeyed not his censure.
 Now most certaine it is, that there is none but the cities and townes which
 hold of the empire, that can be proscribed by 

 Genes threatned by Maximilian the Emperor. the
 imperiall proscription, whether it be by sentence of the emperour, or by decree
 of the imperiall chamber. For the imperiall chamber could not have proscribed
 Minde, Munster, Magdeburg, and others, had they not bene contained within the
 bounds and power of the German empire: much lesse could the emperour haue
 proscribed Genes, if it had not bene within the power of the Germans. And
 therfore when they of Genes had appealed from the interlocutorie sentence of
 Maximilian unto the pope, they afterwards renouncing
 their appeale, yeelded to the sentence, acknowledging the iurisdiction and
 soueraigntie of the empire. And so at length the emperour gaue sentence for the
 marques, acknowledging himselfe to be a vassal unto the German empire, whome
 they of Genes would have had to have bene thiers. And since that the marques
 hath by that definitiue sentence bene
 maintained in possession of his marquisat, as I have seene by the letters of
 Signior D'la Forest, embassadour for the king, dated at
 Vienna the xviij of Iuly, in the yeare 1560: which iudgement the emperour gaue
 after he had seene the opinions of the lawyers of foure vniuersities. And not
 long after they were by another sentence of the same emperours, giuen in the
 moneth of Iuly, in the yeare one thousand five hundred sixtie foure, condemned
 in a processe which they had against Anthonie Flisque, 
 by them banished, who ouerthrew them by an appeale made unto the emperour. Which things although they bee so plaine as that there
 ought thereof to bee no doubt, but that the
 cities of Italie on this side the riuers Rubicon and Tiber, excepting some few,
 are contained within the bounds of the German empire, & so have of
 themselves no soueraigntie; yet is the same made more euident by the generall
 consent of all the lawyers of Italie, who deny it to be lawfull for any cities
 of Italie to make any lawes or customes, contrarie or derogatorie to the Roman
 laws, published by the commaundement of the emperour Frederick. And that the cities of Italie either had no right of
 soueraintie at al, or else renounced the same, it is manifest by that league
 which was made in the citie of Constance; for in that league among such
 priueleges as are confirmed unto the cities of Italie, the rights of
 soueraignty are expresly excepted. And therfore Alexander
 Imolensis of all the lawyers of his time the most skilful, saith, A
 certaine iurisdiction to be thereby giuen vnto
 the cities of Italie; but not the rights of maiestie or soueraigntie to be
 therefore unto them graunted, and that euen for that reason, for that the
 cities doubting or disagreeing about their right, the emperours were wont to
 appoint them judges and commissioners for the deciding of their
 controuersies. Much lesse therefore may the imperiall townes and cities contained within
 the The imperial townes and cities subiect unto appeales
 made unto the imperiall chamber bounds of the German empire, pretend
 themselves to have any soueraigntie, albeit that we see certaine of them to
 boast of a certaine show of libertie, which they of old receiued from the
 emperors; as Nuremberg from the emperour Fredericke the
 first; Isne from Otho the third; Egre from Lewes of Bauyere: yea and some of them there were, which
 not able longer to endure the hard bondage of their lords, princes of the
 empire, set themselves at libertie, as did
 the cities of Vlme, Brunswic, Lubec, and others: but that which they call
 libertie, is but an old vacation from certaine seruices, and an immunitie from
 customes and tributes graunted by the emperours, without any impeachment to
 their maiestie. And therefore those cities which I have spoken of, honour the
 maiestie of the German empire, receiue from it lawes, obey the magistrats
 thereof, accept of the decrees of the imperiall chamber, and of the assemblies
 of the empire: and not onely publique and priuat iudgements of princes and
 cities among themselves, but also the priuat iudgements of particular men are
 decided by the imperiall chamber, if appellation be made from the sentence
 which exceedeth the summe of fiftie crowns. Seeing therefore that the imperiall
 chamber may of the power of it selfe confirme
 or disanull the iudgements of princes or cities, it must needs follow, that
 neither those prinees nor cities have the power of soueraigne maiestie: For as
 a certaine Poet (I know not who) saith, Rescindere nunquam Dijs licet acta Deûm. It is not lawfull for the Gods the acts of Gods t'vndoe. As for the Swissers Commonweals, we said before, them to have bene rent from
 the The Swissers Commonweal to
 be subiect either to the Empire or the king of France. German empire,
 as oppressed with the tirannnie of their gouernours: and yet they so honour and
 reuerence the maiestie of the German empire, as that they in generall requested
 of the emperour Ferdinand, to have the libertie of their priueleges unto them
 confirmed: which is a certaine forme of auntient fealtie, and acknowledgement
 that they hold their libertie of the empire. And albeit that some there be on
 this side the Rhene, which vaunt themselves to have soueraigne power over their
 subiects, yet must they needs be the subiects and vassals either of our kings,
 or of the German empire. For there is no man which knoweth not (if he remember
 the antiquitie of the French) that all the countrey of Loraine, and the realme
 of Arles, after the death of the three children of Lothaire were divided betwixt the emperour Charles the Bauld of Fraunce, and Lewes king of Germanie his brother. As Vitald, Floard,
 and Lambert the best antiquaries do in their
 histories at large declare. Now so it is that the vassall can neuer prescribe
 for his homage towards his lord, nor the subiect against the iurisdiction of
 his prince; and that the graunts and sufferances of the emperour, and the kings
 of France could not preiudice either the crowne or the empire: wherfore we must
 conclude these possessours of this maiestie by sufference, to bee subiects and
 vassals either unto ou kings, or to the German
 empire. And albeit that many thinke the duke of Loraine to be an absolute soueraigne,
 by The Duke of Loraine no absolute Soueraigne, but vassall
 of the German empire. reason of the Armes that he beareth, being an
 armed arme, saying, as it should seeme, That he holdeth nothing but of the
 sword: yet neuerthelesse so it is, that in his title he calleth himselfe a
 prince of the empire; which is indeed to acknowledge the imperiall maiestie. Ioyne thereunto also, that he hath vsually
 receiued judges from the imperial chamber, and submitted himselfe to the
 iurisdiction thereof. For as for that that hee is the last among the German
 princes, nor in their ceremonies holdeth not the place of the auntient dukes of
 Loraine; that is, for that he holdeth but a little, viz. 
 scarce the sixt part of the auntient duchie of Loraine (a prouince of the
 German empire) which containeth all that countrey which lyeth betwixt the riuer
 of the Maze and the Rhene. And therefore the dukes of Brabant, and the German
 emperours, called themselves dukes of Loraine. So the emperour Charles the fourth, in the league which he made with Iohn the French king, calleth himselfe duke of Loraine.
 But this countrey which now is called Loraine, is a part of the German empire
 and the duke himselfe a vassall of the empire.
 For Stephen countie of Boulongne, was in that dukedome
 inuested by the emperour Henrie the first, and for that
 cause acknowledged himselfe a vassall of the empire, in the yeare 1019. And Frederick of Loraine countie of Vaudemont, duke Charles being dead without heire male, before Sigismund the emperour and the fathers assembled at
 Constance, claimed that dukedome of right to belong unto him, as next of kin;
 for that it was an imperiall fee, whereof Isabel duke
 Charles his heire, who had married Renat duke of Aniou, was not (as he said) capable: which Renat denyed it not to be an imperiall fee, but shewed
 many such imperiall fees to have descended unto the daughters. And afterward
 the title comming to be tryed by the sword, Renat being
 ouerthrowne and taken prisoner by Frederick, could not
 be before delivered, vntill that he had
 married his daughter Yoland unto Anthonie the sonne of Frederick, with
 condition, that if Renat died without heires male, the
 duchie of Loraine should descend unto the heires of Frederick, & so unto the house of Vaudemont, as it is come to
 passe. Now if so it be that the dukedome of Loraine be an imperiall fee,
 comprehended The duchie of Lor ine deuolued unto the counties of Vaudemont. within the bounds of
 the German empire: neither the lord of Lumes nor the countie of Aspremont, who
 are contained within the precinct of Loraine, can chalenge unto themselves any
 right of soueraigntie, as they have done, seeing that it is plaine by the law,
 that he which hath a limited territorie, hath but the same right over euerie
 one of his subiects which are within the compasse of his territorie, that hee
 hath over them all in generall; except it appeare, him by some speciall
 priuiledge to be free and from the generall
 expresly exempted. By which reason all such as pretend a soueraigntie, being
 enclosed within the bounds and territorie of another man, may bee thereof
 debarred: which a man cannot so easily iudge of them, which in the frontiers of
 kingdomes, take upon them a kinde of soueraigne power; as do the five lords or
 princes in the confines of Burgundie, whome both the free counties, and the
 dukes have oftentimes chalenged for their vassals: and for the soueraigntie of
 whome, at such times as they had taken up armes, they obtained of the generals
 of both parts, that in the meane time they beeing free might be as newters,
 vntill the euent of the warre had decided the cause: and so at length abusing the long possession of soueraigntie, made of that
 their right, which they had but by sufferance,
 a perpetuitie: but as we have oftentimes before said, so wee must hereafter
 oftentimes say, That neither the right of soueraigne maiestie, nor the The right sou raigntie and libertie
 not to be prescribed agai st. right of
 libertie, can by the client or vassall be prescribed against: and much lesse if
 it be withholden by concealement or by sufferance. In like sort the countrey of
 Bearne, betwixt the confines of Fraunce and Nauarre, which the kings atturney
 generall in the court of Paris maintained to be a prouince holden of the crowne
 of Fraunce, and disallowed of the plea of the kings atturney of the parliament
 of Thoulouze, who had confessed it not to hold of the crowne, in the yeare
 1505; which although it remaine vndecided, yet the king of Nauarre for all that
 by sufference holdeth it in soueraigntie. In like case the principalitie of
 Dombes was maintained by Lizet the kings
 atturney, to hold in fee of the crowne of
 Fraunce, and that the duke of Sauoy had no power to giue it to the empire,
 under the colour of being the emperours lieutenant, which hee showed to be done
 in the most wofull times of the civill warre, when as the dukes of Orleans and
 Burgundie had drawne all the whole kingdome into parts, in the yeare 1398: in
 like manner the princes of East Frizeland, and they which hold the territory
 betwixt England and Scotland, which they call the Batable ground: as also the
 abbot of Gosen, betwixt Metz and Pont a Mousson, who holdeth the abbey and
 twenty five villages, in title of soueraigntie, without acknowledging any
 superior lord whatso. euer: as also the lords of Beauieu, willing to
 exempt▪themselves from the crowne of Fraunce, yeelded themselves unto the
 empire, and so by the duke of Sauoy, the emperours lieutenant, were receiued into the protection of the empire,
 from which they also by little and little exempted themselves, without
 acknowledging either duke, king, or emperour for their soueraigne. As for the dukes of Sauoy, the Italian doctors with one common errour haue
 holden The Duchie of Sauoie to hold of the empire. 
 them to have absolute power and soueraigntie, and to have so beene iudged by
 the decree of the parliament of Sauoy: a thing altogether contrarie unto the
 office of a lieutenant and vassall. And also Osazque the
 first president of Piemont writeth, That the dukes of Sauoy have obtained this
 power of the emperors, which they could not have as lieutenants of the empire;
 as Felinus the best interpretor of the law hath most
 truly written. For what can be more contrarie unto soueraigne maiestie, than to
 professe ones selfe to be another mans deputie
 or officer, (for so the name of a lieutenant doth signifie) or from whom
 shouldest thou think thy selfe to have the power of soueraigntie in that
 prouince wherein thou thy selfe bearest rule? But euen the dukes of Sauoy
 themselves confesse, and all their histories declare, this prouince of the
 German empire which is now called Sauoy, to have bene a fee of the same empire,
 erected into a countie (holden of the empire in fealtie) by Henry the fi t; and afterwards into a duchie
 by the emperour Sigismund. And euident it is the dukes
 alwayes heretofore, and not long since duke Charles 
 restored unto his countrey, to have yeelded fealtie and homage unto the
 emperour: and two yeares after, viz. in the yeare 1561,
 to have sent speciall letters of atturney unto the countie D'Arques chiefe chamberlaine to the emperour, to obtaine for him of the emperour another inuestiture: for
 because that that which hee had before taken at Ausburg, 
 seemed not unto him in sufficient good forme, as I have seene by the letters of
 M. D'la Forèst, ambassadour for the king unto the
 emperour. But an hard matter it was to make such a forme as should be unto him
 good; for that it seemeth that the title or qualitie of a perpetuall
 lieutenant, doth preiudice not only unto soueraigntie, but also unto the
 qualitie of a feudatarie & proprietarie in those lands which he holdeth of
 another man, if it bee not by a doubtfull or improper kind of speech. The dukes of Saxonie and the counties Palatine are also
 perpetuall lieutenants of The dukes of Saxonie and the county Palatine lieutenants of
 the empire. the empire; but that is in the emperours absence, to doe
 iustice unto the princes and imperiall townes, yea euen against the emperour
 himselfe, (as shall in due place bee declared) and to all them which are of
 their government: which is a personall office, and not belonging unto lands;
 neither can he that taketh upon him the qualitie of a deputie, lieutenant,
 o gouernour, be feudatarie or proprietarie of
 those seignories that he holdeth of him whose lieutenant he is. And so the
 title of perpetuall lieutenantship ought to have relation unto other countries,
 without the terrritorie and demaines of his countrey of Sauoy: which neither
 the Swissers, nor other princes of Italie & Germanie could endure, and much
 lesse the French king, who holdeth nothing of the empire, whereby he might be
 iusticiable to the lieutenants of the empire. Ioyne hereunto also, that the Emperour Charles the
 fourth made Charles the sixt Dauphin of Viennois, Charles the fixt of Fraunce by the emperour made perpetual
 lieutenant of the empire. his perpetuall lieutenant, the xiiij day of
 Ianuarie, in the yeare 1378. And for that he was but nine yeares old, he gaue
 him the priuelege of his age, by a most ample and gracious charter, whereunto
 hang seales of gold, which I have read in the records of our kings. But withall
 made him perpetuall lieutenant of the kingdome of Arles, (excepting onely the
 countie of Sauoy) and that more is, gaue him power of life and death over the
 subiects of the empire; with power also to conferre honors, to impose and raise
 taxes, and from the same to exempt whome he saw good, to receiue appeales made
 unto the emperour, to make peace and warre, to giue laws unto the subiects, and
 to disanull and abrogat the same, and such other like. This lieutenancie was
 for all the kingdome of Arles, which extended
 from the mountaine Iura (commonly called saint Claudius 
 mount) and the riuers Araris and Rhodanus, unto the Alpes, and the sea of
 Genes; all which the imperials have alwaies pretended to be holden of the
 empire. But the earles of Prouince have long since exempted themselves from the
 German empire, amongst whome was Raymund the last, one
 of whose daughters was married unto Lewes the ninth, the
 French king, and the other unto Charles duke of Aniou,
 by which meanes the countie of Prouence is come to the house of Aniou, &
 from thence by the bountie of countie Renat, unto the
 crowne of Fraunce. Albeit that Philip Valois 

 The soneraignty of the kingdome of Arles bought of the
 emperour by the French king. the French king, had bought of the
 emperour Henrie the fi t, the
 soueraigntie of all the realme of Arles, without excepting either the countie
 of Sauoy, or the principality of Oreng, or
 Beiauieu, which was afterwards giuen to Lewes duke of
 Burbon; either of the countie of Prouence, which was then in the house of
 Aniou; either of the franke countie, which was giuen to Philip the hardie, by the emperour Charles the
 fourth, in the yeare 1362, being deuolued to the empire for want of heires
 male. And the sale of soueraigntie of the said kingdome of Arles, was made for
 the summe of three hundred thousand markes of siluer, with promise to cause it
 to be ratified by the princes of the empire, who afterwards consented
 thereunto: of which their confirmation the emperour gaue Iohn king of Bohemia suretie, who sold also the towne of Luques vnto
 the same king, for an hundred and fourescore thousand florines of gold, in the
 yeare 1330. The contracts, ratifications, and quittances, are yet in the
 treasurie of Fraunce to bee seene, from whence
 I have the exemplifications conferred with the originals, wel worthy to haue
 bene seene of them who were deputed for the affaires of Sauoy, in the yeare
 1562. But that me thinke well worth the marking, that in the deedes of bargaine
 and sale, are comprised all the lawes of soueraigne maiestie, which the German
 emperours giue unto themselves in all the prouinces of the kingdome of Arles:
 wherein are contained the Sauoians, they of Belloioci, they of Prouence, they
 of free Burgundie, which the emperour Charles the fourth
 gaue to Philip duke of Burgundie to bee possessed in the
 imperiall right, the issues male of the counties fayling. Whereby it is
 manifest the French kings to have the right of
 soueraigne maiestie over all the people of the
 kingdome of Arles, and not therefore to owe any fealtie or homage unto the
 Getman empire. And at the same time as it were the emperour Lewes of
 Bauatia made Edward the Edward the
 third King of England made perpetual Lieutenant of the Empire third,
 king of England his perpetuall lieutenant; and by his letters pattents gaue him
 power to make lawes, and to administer iustice to all the subiects of the
 empire: and that all the subiects of the empire should obey him, and in his
 name to yeeld unto him fealtie and homage: which was an occasion rather sought
 for, than offered, for him to make warre upon the French king, who then held
 Cambray and the castles of Creueceur, and Payerne,
 members of the empire: for that by the auntient leagues made betwixt the French
 kings and the emperours, it was prouided, That they should not one of them take any thing from the other, or molest one
 the others sublects; as was declared unto king Edward by
 the imperiall princes allied with him, and then assembled in the towne of Hale:
 which is a most certaine argument that the kings of Fraunce hold The Kingdome of France not to hold any thing of the
 Empire. nothing of the empire; neither that the emperours have any
 right in that kingdome. Which is also expresly set downe in the contract of
 purchase of Philip Valois, which I have here before
 rehearsed, which beareth this clause: And the kings and
 realmes of Fraunce shall continue in their priueleges, enfranchisments, and
 liberties, that they have alwayes holden against the German empire,
 whereunto they are in nothing subiect. Which was well giuen the
 emperour Sigismund to vnderstand, at such time as he of
 his imperiall power would have made the countie of Sauoy duke, in the towne of
 Lyons▪ against whome the kings officers there
 so opposed themselves, as that hee was glad to get him out of the kingdome, at
 libertie to vse his owne power, which he did in great choller and displeasure.
 And this was done by the expresse commaundement of the king, Charles the sixt, to cover two notable errors that had bene before
 committed: the one passing by sufferance, in that the emperour Sigismund being magnifically receiued at Paris, and as
 beseemed the kings vncle, had place in a royall seat in full parliament; and
 the other, that afterwards he was suffered to make Seneschal
 D' Beaucaire knight; although the court had in this last point
 admonished the king, that unto him onely it belonged to make knights in his
 owne kingdome; as it had twice before bene solemnely iudged by two decrees
 against the counties of Flaunders and Neuers. Which I have the more willingly noted, to show the errour of Alciat, who hath maintained, that the Alciat and Bartholus taxed. French king is subiect to the empire;
 which is a wilfull errour or ingratitude, considering the entertainment he had
 in Fraunce to teach and write the truth: which I thinke not to have proceeded
 from him of ignorance, but in favour of the emperour Charles the fift, who drew him to Pauie, and there doubled his
 salarie: or els to the imitation of Bartholus, author of
 that errour, who writ the same things of the French kings that Alciat did: at such time forsooth as he was by the
 emperour Charles the fourth of a bastard not onely made
 legitimat, and by him ennobled, but power also giuen him to take the benefit of
 age to him and his, which should professe to teach the lawes, with armes also
 answerable unto his dignitie and honour: viz. a Lyon
 Azure in a field Argent. For which so many and
 so great benefits he writ all them to be heretikes, which should deny the
 German emperour to be lord of all the world: which hee seemeth to have gathered
 of the words of Antoninus Augustus, unto the law Rhodia;
 I am (saith he) the lord of the
 world, and law of the sea: which words seeing they were spoken but for
 ostentation sake, and for the augmenting of his honour, lesse need to bee
 refuted; seeing that the Roman empire when it was at the greatest, (which was
 in the time of The Germane Empire not now the tenth part of
 the Romane empire. 

 Traian the emperour) contained scarce the thirtieth part
 of the world, and that the German empire is not now the tenth part of the Roman
 empire. And yet the emperour 

 Sigismund sick of that incurable disease of ambition,
 sought to have brought every mans government
 under his, although he was in that his hope much deceiued. For intruding
 himselfe to have made the duke of Lituania a king (whose countrey lieth aboue
 two hundred leagues from the frontiers of the empire of Germany) hee sent him a
 crowne and a sword, which for all that the duke refused, neither thought it
 good to chaunge the name of the Great Duke (whereby he
 was called) although he had of himselfe shaken off the seruile yoke of the
 Tartars, least in so doing hee might seeme to have attributed his power and
 soueraigntie unto the Germans. We see also that the Germaine Emperors have sent the royall Crownes vnto
 the The kings of Polonia hold nothing of the
 empire. Dukes of Polonia, before they were by the Pope suffered to
 beare the Royall title; which they refused: and yet certaine it is, that the
 Kings of Polonia neuer held any thing of the
 Empire. Oftentimes indeed the Germaines have attempted to have subdued the
 Polonians, whose vaine attempts the Polonians have not onely repulsed, but also
 ioyned unto their kingdom the countries of Silesia and Prussia, both rent from
 the body of the Germaine Empire. Which when the Prutenian knights had taken in
 euil part, and thereof oftentimes complained to the states of the empire, yet
 the emperors thought it not good for to attempt any thing against the
 Polonians, by whom they had knowne the imperiall armies to have been many times
 repulsed and ouerthrown. And yet for all this, the Polonians refused not to
 take their royall scepters from the bishops of Rome. True it is that the
 bishops of Rome of long time striue with the Germaine The
 fruit that came of the strife betwixt the German emperor and the pope for
 the soueraign tie of the Christian Commonweale. emperours for the
 soueraigntie and chiefe government of the Christian Commonweale, and as chiefetaines of the faction, drew all the
 Christian princes and cities into armes; so that many cities and Commonweales,
 especially in Italie, were at such mortall hatred amongst themselves, as that
 they receiued not greater harme from the enemies of the Christian religion and
 name, than they did from one another. Neither wanted there some which writ in
 earnest, al Christian kings to be the bishop of Romes clyents and vassals; and
 in case that they were foolish, furious, or prodigall, that they might haue
 ouerseers appointed over them by the pope: which we have before said, to haue
 been done by pope Innocent the fourth, against the king
 of Portugall. And albe it that pope Innocent said, That
 his meaning therein was not in any thing to preiudice the regall power, in
 appointing such an ouerseer; yet did not his sayings at all agree with his dooings. Pope Vrban 
 the fift also made no doubt, to make legitimate Henry 
 the bastard king of Castile, so to thrust out of his kingdom his brother Peter, borne in lawfull wedlocke: who thereupon, by the
 power of the French, was not onely thrust out of his kingdom, but s aine also by his bastard brother. Some there have been
 also The immoderat and absurd pow er which some attribute
 unto the pope. which have passed further, saying that the pope hath
 in power iurisdiction over the emperour; but over all other kings and princes
 really and indeed: excepting over the French king, whom the canonists
 themselves confesse, indeed, and ofright to acknowledge none greater than
 himselfe under God. Which Belluga a Spanish doctor, and
 Oldrade the beautie of his time do also better
 declare, saying that the French king neither in fact nor of right acknowledgeth
 any prince of the world superiour unto himselfe. But these great clearks which thus giue the popes power over other princes,
 have no better reason for that they say, than the authoritie of pope Gelasius, who hath written, That the pope hath power to
 dispoyle all kings and princes of their soueraigntie and power. And some others
 there be which have maintained, That appeales may be made from all people and
 princes unto the pope, That there is none but the emperour and the pope which
 can reuoke their owne decrees, and deptiue other kings and princes of their
 soueraigntie and rule; That there is no prince but hee, unto whom the pope hath
 confirmed his principalitie: And that which of all other is most absurd, that hee of himselfe may giue priueleges, exemptions,
 and immunities unto another princes subiects
 contrarie to the decrees and lawes of all princes; and that he is the only and
 supreme vmpiere and judge of all mans lawes. And what maruell if he rule ouer
 princes, which commaundeth over angels? For so truely Clement
 V. P. M. doubted not to commaund the angels. Yea some there be that
 have written, That so often as the pope shall put this clause to his rescripts,
 De plenitudine potestatis, Of the fulnesse of our
 power: so oft doth he therein derogat from the lawes of all princes. And albeit
 that some have holden also, That we must rest upon that that the pope saith,
 without farther enquire of the veritie therof; yet so it is neuerthelesse, that
 Baldus hath written, That a man may say unto him, Salua reuerentia vestra, By your reuerences leaue. And
 upon the maxime set downe by the canonists, That the pope can
 do all: the diuines graunting it to be
 so, do yet more subtilly, and as it were in two words moderat the same, Claue non errante, The key not erring. And forasmuch as
 it is every good subiects part to maintaine the greatnesse and maiestie of
 their owne princes, I will not enter into the disputes of Iaques de Terranne the popes chamberlaine, nor of Capito, nor of M. Charles du Moulin, and
 others, who have oftentimes ouershot themselves either of set purpose, or els
 pressed with violent passions, have vnawares entred into matter of religion,
 and so carried away either with loue or hatred of the pope, have filled their
 writings with raylings. Whereas I here speake not but of temporall
 soueraigntie, which is the subiect that I entreat of, (whereof they speake not)
 to the end it may be vnderstood, who be absolute soueraigne princes; and
 whether the other princes be subiect unto the
 emperour, or the pope, or not. For at the beginning, after that pope Gregorie (he which
 first called himselfe the seruant The beginning of the popes
 greatnes. of the sernants of God) had obtained of Phocas emperour of Constantinople, the prerogative over all the
 bishops; his successours after turning the spirituall power into the temporall,
 by little and little still encreased their power, in so much that the princes
 as wel for the fear they then had towards God, as for the dignitie of the
 prelacie, began to reuerence them much more than in former times; but much more
 after that the empire of the East began to decline, which was after that the
 popes had by their interdictions forbidden the people of Italie their obedience
 unto the Constantinopolitan emperours, or to pay them any tribute; upon
 occasion taken, that Leo the emperour, surnamed Monomachus, or the Image breaker, and also Thomas the
 emperor, had caused the images of Saints to be cast downe and broken: wherewith
 the people moued, and enraged with the authoritie of the bishop of Rome, slew
 Thomas in the temple of Saint Sophia. Wherefore the power of the Greeke empire being weakened in the
 East, by the incursions of the Barbarians; and the Greeke emperors out of hope
 againe to recover Italie; the kings of Lombardie then also doing what they
 might to make themselves lords of all Italie, and the popes also on their parts
 no lesse desirous to have therein a share, and finding themselves too weake to
 make their partie good against the Lombard kings, uppon this difference cast
 themselves into the protection of the kings of Fraunce, who then were the
 greatest Monarches of Christendome; wherein
 they were not of their hope deceiued. For hereupon, Pipin Grande The popes put themselves into the
 protection of the French Kings, Pipin and Charlemaigne his sonne, the popes
 great champion. Mr. of Fraunce (a man of great wealth and power, who
 then disposed of all the affaires of the realme) with a great army passing ouer
 the Alpes, ouerthrew and discomfited the power of the Lombards, and afterward
 going to Rome, was the first that gaue unto pope Zacharie, part of the seignorie of Italie, who had before crowned him
 king of Fraunce, forbidding the peeres and people of Fraunce to make choyce of
 any other for their kings but of the house of Pipin, 
 hauing publikely pronounced king Childerike for his
 sottishnesse to bee vnable for the government. Whereunto the people of Fraunce made so much the lesse resistance, for that Pipin then had the nobilitie and the armie of Fraunce at commaund: and for that the pope (who as
 then was esteemed as a God upon earth) was the author thereof, unto whome Pipin had before solemnly promised, and giuen him letters
 pattents thereof, That if hee should become victorious over the Lombards, he
 should giue unto the Church of Rome the Exa chat of
 Rauenna, which contained thirtie cities, and the prouince of Pentapole, which
 contained sixteene cities moe: which he after the victorie performed, laying
 the keyes of the said cities upon Saint Peters altar:
 yet reseruing unto himselfe and his successours in the crowne of Fraunce, the
 soueraigntie of both the prouinces; and that more is, power also to chuse the
 popes. Whereunto the pope not onely willingly graunted, but almost persuaded
 Pipin to take uppon him the name of an emperour:
 which title none then vsed, but the emperours
 of Constantinople. But Pipin being dead, the Lombards
 againe tooke up armes, to the great disquiet of the popes, who againe had
 recourse unto the French kings, as unto a most sure sanctuarie. Whereupon Charles, Pipin his sonne (for his many and worthy
 victories surnamed the Great ) with a strong army passing
 the Alpes, not onely ouerthrew the king of the Lombards, but euen their
 kingdome also: and hauing surely established the power of the Roman bishops,
 was by them called Emperour: and they againe by Charles 
 so long as he lived, all chosen bishops of Rome. But after the death of this
 Charlemaigne, they which were of great credit in
 Rome, caused themselves to be chosen pope by the clergie, whether it were How the French Kinges lost the prerogatione they had in the
 chusing of the Pope. for the distrust they had to obtaine that
 dignitie of the kings of Fraunce, hauing no favour in the court; or through the negligence of the French kings,
 who had thereof no great care; or that it was by reason of the great civill
 warres which arose betwixt the children of Lewes the
 Gentle, wherewith the French kings busied, lost the prerogative they had in
 chusing of the chiefe Bishop. Yet Guitard, a good
 antiquarie, who lived in the same time writeth, 3 popes successiuely to haue
 come into France to excuse themselves to Lewes the
 Gentle, That they had beene by the clergie of Rome constrained to accept of the
 papal dignitie, beseeching him to confirme the same: which he either as a man
 not desirous of glorie, or els fearing to prouoke the clergie (being then in
 great authoritie) did: of which his error he afterwards though to late full
 sore repented him; being by the colledge of cardinals constrained to yeeld up
 his c owne, & to make himself a monke, and the queene his wife a nunne, shut up apart from
 her husband in a cloister with other nunnes, who yet were againe afterwards
 delivered by the princes and nobilitie of Fraunce, (disdaining to see the pride
 of the clergie) and so againe restored unto their former honours. But after the death of this Lewes the Gentle (who was
 emperour of Fraunce, of Germanie, and of the greater part of Italie, and
 Spaine) the empire was divided into three kingdomes, which the brethren Charles the Bauld, Lothaire, and
 Lewes, euerie one of them held in title of
 soueraigntie, without acknowledging any superioritie of one another; and
 againe, the kingdom of Lothaire was divided amongst his
 children into three parts: unto one fell the kingdome of Loraine, unto another
 the kingdome of Arles, and to the third the
 kingdome of Italie: Lewes holding Germanie, and Charls the emperour, Fraunce. So their divided power
 began to decay, and the wealth of the bishops of Rome greatly to encrease: they
 now succeeding one another by way of election, and in nothing acknowledging the
 maiestie of the French kings, as they ought to have done: which came to passe
 especially in the time of pope Nicholas the first, When the pope began first to excommunicat Princes. who
 better vnderstood to mannage matters of state than had his predecessours, and
 was the first that used the rigour of excommunication against princes, hauing
 excommunicated Lothaire the younger brother of Lewes king of Italie. But the children of 

 Lothaire being afterwards dead without issue, those
 three kingdomes which I spoke of, 

 viz. of Loraine, Arles, and Italie, were divided betwixt
 their vncles, Charles and Lewes. 
 Wherefore Lewes king of Germanie gouerned Italie, which
 fell unto his part, by his lieutenants and deputies; whose power was not such
 asto withstand the popes, but that The increasing of the
 popes power. they still by little and little extended their power and
 government: which especially hapned at such time as Guiscard the Norman had subdued the kingdome of Sicilie and Naples,
 taken from the Greekes and Moores; who to weaken the power of the Germans, and
 to raigne himselfe the more safely in Italie, ioyned hands against them with
 the Bishops of Rome. But the posteritie of Guiscard 
 being dead without heires male, left the kingdome of Naples and Sicilie unto a
 woman their heire; married unto the German emperor Frederick the second, who going into Italy, there to confirme his
 power, made choice of another pope (one of
 his own fauorites) than was he whom the colledge of cardinals had before
 chosen: which was pope Innocent the fourth, a man both
 for his birth and learning famous; who driuen out of Italie, and comming into
 Fraunce (the popes surest sanctuarie) and strengthened with the wealth and
 power of Lewes the ix, the French king (whether it were
 for reuerence of him the pope so solemnly by the cardinals chosen, or to weaken
 the power of the Germans) excommunicated the emperour Frederick the second: who seeing himselfe thereby become odious vnto
 all men, & himselfe like to be forsaken euen of his own subiects, &
 great trobles arising also against him in Italy, fearefully returned into
 Germany, hauing obtained absolution of pope Innocent, by
 yeelding up his authoritie and power for any more creating of the bishops of Rome, leauing the kingdomes of
 Naples and Sicilie unto his base sonne Manfred, who was
 also excommunicated by pope Vrban the fist: who not yet
 so contented, called in Charles of France, duke of
 Aniou, brother to king Lewes the ix, whome he inuested
 in the aforesaid two realmes of Naples and Sicilie, reseruing unto the See of
 Rome the countie of Beneuent; fealtie, homage, iurisdiction, and soueraigntie
 for the rest; with a yearely and perpetual fee of eight thousand ounces of
 gold, as we have before said. After which time the house of Arragon, which by
 right of kindred Why the kings of Arragonmade themselves the
 popes vassals for the kingdomes of Naples and Sicilie, and submitted also
 unto him the rest of their kingdoms. succeeded the posteritie of Manfred, being alwaies at oddes with the house of Aniou,
 and so in continuall warres for these kingdomes of Naples and Sicilie; and
 seeing it not possible for them to recover them so long as the pope was their
 enemie, they 

 ound meanes to gaine the popes favour, and so made
 themselves the popes vassals, not onely for the kingdomes of Naples and
 Sicilie, but also for the kingdomes of Arragon, Sardinia, Corsica, Maiorque,
 and Minorque: which they partly did also for to obtaine the popes pardon for
 their offences, as we have before said. The bishops of Rome in the meane time
 out of the troubles of these two great houses, encreasing their owne power and
 profit, peaceably enioyed the territorie about Rome, Spolet, and Beneuent, with
 a good part of Tuscanie, by vertue of the donation which wee have before spoken
 of. As for the citie of Rome, sometimes mistresse of the world, they brought it
 vnder How the citie of Rome was brought under the popes
 obeysance. their obeysance, hauing by little and little oppressed the
 libertie thereof, no man gainsaying them.
 Albeit that Charlemaigne hauing conquered Italie,
 expresly commaunded that it should remaine in full libertie, with power left
 unto the inhabitants to gouerne their estate, which the Roman bishops had also
 by their oathes confirmed; as Augustine Onuphre the
 popes chamberlaine writeth, and as it well appeareth by the Vatican
 records. Now if there were any soueraigne prince that were a tyrant, or an heretike, or
 that The great daun, get princes were sometimes in by
 reason of the popes excommunication. had done any notorious crime, or
 not obeyed the popes commaund; hee was by the pope forthwith excommunicated:
 which was occasion enough to cause his subiects to
 reuolt from him, and to arme other princes against him which was so
 excommunicated; who then had no other meane
 left to be againe receiued into favour, but to make himselfe feudatarie to the
 Church of Rome, and the popes vassall. As I have before said of Iohn king of England, who made himselfe vassall to Innocent the third, for the murther committed in the
 person of young Arthur duke of Britaine. And augmented
 also the feodall rent of England, for the murder committed by the commaundement
 of the king of England, in the person of Thomas 
 Archbishop of Canterburie. As in like case it chaunced for the murther
 committed in the person of Stanislaus archbishop of
 Guesne, by the commaundement of the king: for which the pope excommunicated the
 king, and tooke the roiall title from the kings of Polonia; enioyning also
 their subiects therefore (as some have written) to shave their heads behind, in
 such sort as we yet see them to doe: which
 whether it be true or no, I dare not to affirme, neither could the Polonians
 tell me the cause thereof when I asked it of them: but manifest it is by
 auntient records, that after the murther of that bishop, the kings of Polonia
 all thought they had the power of soueraigne maiestie, yet were they called but
 by the name of dukes, vntill the time of Lucold duke of
 Polonia, who receiued the royall crowne and title, of pope Iohn the xxij, upon condition to pay into the popes coffers a certaine
 yearely tribute, which is yet at this day paid for the lampe of Saint Peter, as we Thomas Cramerus. Soveraigntie by the pope pretended
 unto the Kingdome of Hungarie. read in their histories. And beside
 those kingdomes which wee have spoke of, viz. England,
 Arragon, Naples, Sicilie, Hierusalem, Polonia, Sardinia, Corsica, and the
 Canaries, all feudataries or tributaries unto the popes, or els both together;
 they have also pretended the soueraigntie of
 the kingdome of Hungarie, to belong unto them, and so it is comprised in the
 Catalogue of the Chauncerie of Rome. And I have seene in the Vatican Register,
 an act dated in the yeare 1229, whereby Ladislaus the
 first, king of Hungarie, promiseth his obedience unto pope Benedict the xij, and acknowledgeth that he ought to receiue the
 crowne at his hands. And by another act of Ladislaus the
 second, king of Hungarie, excommunicated for the disobedience by him committed
 against the popes Legat; for to have his obsolution, he bound himselfe to pay
 yearely into the popes chamber an hundred markes of siluer; which obligation
 beareth date the yeare 1280. Yet in the same Vatican register, dated in the
 yeare 1308, whereby it appeareth also, the barons of Hungarie to have sharply
 opposed themselves against the popes Legat,
 alleaging Saint Stephen the first king of Hungarie, to
 have receiued his crowne of the pope, and that they would not endure the pope
 to have any such prerogative over them: and yet neuerthelesse they letted not,
 but that the king by themselves chosen, might if so pleased him cause himselfe
 to bee crowned by the pope. And in the end of that act are many decrees of the
 popes legat, concerning the state of that kingdome, with prohibitions to the
 kings of Hungarie for alienating any the demaines of the crowne: which may
 seeme to have bene the cause that Andrew king of
 Hungarie, was by Honorius the pope cited to Rome, to
 show why he had alienated part of the publike demaines. Innocentius also the third expresly enioyned the king of Hungarie to
 fulfill his dead fathers vow; threatning if he should refuse so to doe, to
 depriue him of his kingdome, and to giue it to
 him that was next of kin. Which a man need not to thinke strange in those
 times, seeing that at the same time wee see the prohibitions made by the pope
 unto the counties of Tholouze, (and inserted into the Decretals) that they
 should not raise any new charges upon their owne subiects. As for the kingdome
 of Hierusalem and Syria, wonne by Godfrey of Buillon and
 his allies, it is manifest that he therefore professed himselfe to be the popes
 vassall, and to hold it of him by fealtie and homage: besides that we find it
 comprised in the Catalogue of the feudatarie kings of the church of Rome. And
 as concerning the Grand Masters of the honourable order
 of S. Iohn Hierusalem, which was composed of eight
 sundtie people 

 The Grand Master of S. Iohn Hiersualem feudatarie both to
 the king of Spaine and the pope. of diuers language, they were
 alwayes inuested by the pope, and yet do fealtie and homage unto the popes for
 the soueraigne power which they have over the knights of their order: albeit
 that they did homage also unto the emperour Charles the
 fist, for Tripolis in Barbarie, before it fell into the hands of the Turke: as
 now also they doe at this present unto the king Catholike, for the isle of
 Malta, which was upon that condition giuen them. And as for the kingdome of Nauarre, under the colour of excommunication
 taken The kingdome of Nauarre holden of the pope. 
 from Peter Albret, we said before, that it is by the
 kings of Spaine holden of the popes of Rome by fealtie and homage. And not many
 yeares ago pope Pius the fift would under the same
 colour of religion, have taken also the rest that was yet left, from Ione 

 queene of Nauarre, hauing caused her to be
 cited to Rome; and afterward for default and contumacie, causing her by his
 commissioners to bee condemned: had not king Charles the
 ix taken upon him to protect her, as being his subiect, vassall, and neere
 kinswoman: which he gaue all Christian princes to vnderstand, unto whose
 maiestie the proscription of that most honourable queene might well have seemed
 preiudiciall. For many were of opinion that the pope was absolute soueraigne lord of all the
 kingdoms of Christendome. And in our age, at such time as Henry the eight, king of England, was reuolted from the pope, the
 earle of Aisimund, an Irish man, sent letters unto Henry 
 the second the French king, (the copie whereof I have taken out of the records)
 whereby he offered himselfe to become his subiect, if he should of the pope
 obtaine the soueraigntie of the kingdome of
 Ireland, which we said to have bene under the fealtie of the bishop of Rome,
 since the time of Innocent the third. They have also
 pretended themselves to have the soueraigntie of Mirandula, and of the counties
 of Concorde, Rege, Modene, Parma, & Placence, for which the popes Iulius the second and third, both of them made great
 warres against the French king, when as yet it was most manifest those cities
 to depend of the German empire. Of Parma, and Placence there is no doubt; and
 the rest they confesse Maud the countesse to have had by
 inheritance, holden by fealtie of the emperours, which she gaue to the church
 of Rome. Now if we graunt the aforesaid cities might have beene giuen unto the bishop
 of The pope of right vassall unto the German empire for
 the cities he holdeth thereof in fee. Rome, and to have bene indeed
 giuen, as the bishops themselves vaunt; they must also confesse themselves to have bene vassals unto the German
 empire. But for that it seemed a dishonour to the bishop of Rome, which said
 himselfe to have power over all princes, to be accounted a vassall and client
 of the emperours; they said (but falsly) the soueraigntie of all the cities of
 Italie, which were within the dominions of the Church of Rome, to have bene by
 the emperours graunted unto the bishop of Rome. And to exempt themselves, they
 produce a donation which I have read in the Vatican register without date or
 name of bishop, whereby Otho the emperour (but which Otho it is not said, when as there have bene foure of
 that name) doth giue unto the church of Rome Pisaurum, Ancona, Fossabrum, and
 Ausun. Other letters pattents also there is of the emperour Otho the fourth, unto pope Innocent the third,
 conceiued in these words, 

 Ego Otho quartus rex Romanorum semper Augustus, tibi domino
 meo papae Innocentio tertio, tuis{que} successoribus ecclesiae Romanae,
 spondeo, polliceor, & iuro, quod omnes possessiones Ecclesiae,
 &c. I Otho the fourth, king of the Romans,
 alwayes victorious, do auow, promise, and sweare, to thee my lord pope Innocent the third, and to thy successours of the church
 of Rome, that all the possessions of the Church, &c. And that which
 followeth after, containeth a most copious confirmation of all the lands and
 cities which then were in the dominion or patrimonie of the church of Rome,
 whether they were giuen by the emperours themselves, or by any other lords or
 princes whatsoeuer: in the number of which cities are
 these contained: Comitatus Perusiae, Reatae, Saluiae,
 Interamnae, 

 

 Campaniae, nee non Roman, Ferrariam, &c. Marchiam,
 Anconitanam, terram Comitisse Matildis & quecunque sunt circa
 Rodicofanum vsque Ceperanum, exerchatum Rauenne, Pentapolim cum alij terris,
 &c. The same forme of confirmation is in the Vatican records to be
 seene, both of Rodolph the emperour, and Charles the fourth, bearing date the yeare 1289, and
 1368, importing that they also out of their aboundance gaue unto the pope and
 to the church of Rome so much as should be needfull, and all that which Henrie the fift his grandfather had before giuen and
 confirmed unto the church, that so all the occasions of discord which had
 before bene betwixt the emperors & the popes, might be altogether taken
 away. So that if these donations be good, the popes are exempted from their
 fealtie and homage due unto the emperours, by reason of the fees that they hold and which are members of the German
 empire. But if the emperours could not without the consent of the princes and
 cities of the empire, giue away the publike territories and rights of
 soueraigntie; and that the imperiall and publike territories cannot be
 encroached upon; and much lesse the right of soueraigntie and patronage, whose
 authoritie for euer over the subiects and vassals cannot bee prescribed
 against; it must needes follow, the popes to bee the vassals of the German
 empire. The same we may say of the election of the bishops of Rome, which the
 German Right pretended by the German Emperours to the
 election of the pope. emperours pretend of right to belong unto them.
 For the emperour Frederick the second to have absolution
 from pope Innocent the fourth, caused to be delivered
 unto him his letters pattents, sealed with a
 seale of gold, dated the yere 1229: whereof I have seene the extract, and of
 his empire the seuenth, and of his raigne in the kingdome of Sicilie the xxij.
 Whereby he entirely renounceth the right of election which he had in the
 creating of bishops, vsing these words, Illum abusum abolere
 volentes, quem quidam praedecessorum vt electiones libere fiant & c nonice, Wee willing to abolish that abuse which
 some of our predecessours were knowne to have exercised in the elections of
 prelats, graunt that those elections may be freely and canonically made. By
 which words he seemeth to renounce not onely the creation of the bishop of
 Rome, but all other bishops also. Howbeit that in truth that right of chusing
 of the popes belonged to the kings of Fraunce, and not unto the German princes,
 who have but vsurped the name and title of
 emperours, got by the prowesse and force of Charlemaigne 
 king of Fraunce, and by him left unto his successors the kings of Fraunce, and
 not unto the kings of Germany: for so they were called in all the auntient
 treaties and histories of Germanie and Fraunce, and not emperours, except those
 which were crowned by the popes. But after that the power of the German kings
 was farre spred in Italie, they then sought to vsurpe unto themselves that
 right of chusing of the bishops of Rome: whether it were for the encreasing of
 their owne wealth and power, or for to take away the ambition and foule
 corruption then used in voyces giuing, and in their elections. For the emperour
 Henrie the third thrust out of his papacie Gregorie the sixt, chosen pope by the clergie, and set
 Clement the second in his place; and afterwards
 

 Popes chosen and placed by the Germane emperour. 
 compelled the clergie to sweare, not from thenceforth to admit any into the
 papacie, without the consent of the German emperours; as we have learned out of
 the Vatican records. But Clement the second being dead,
 the colledge of Cardinals sent ambassadours unto the emperour to appoint whome
 hee thought good to bee pope, who appointed Pepon, 
 afterwards called Damasus the second; who dead, the
 clergie againe sent ambassadours unto the emperour, for the creating of a new
 pope: who sent unto them Brunon, otherwise called Leo the ix: and after him Victor 
 the second. After whose death the clergie made choyce of Frederick, and after him of Alexander the second: which when the emperour Henry the fourth vnderstood, he sent them Cadol 

 bishop of Parma for pope, who although he were
 so receiued in all Lombardie, yet was he thrust out by pope Alexander. After Alexander succeeded Hildebrand, otherwise called Gregorie the seuenth, chosen also by the clergie, who upon the
 grieuous paine of excommunication, forbad all lay men to bestow any
 Ecclesiasticall liuings or benefices upon any whomsoeuer: And also
 excommunicated the emperour Henrie the fourth, for
 disobeying his commaundement in creating of bishops in Germanie. Wherewith the
 emperour moued, and with his armie passing over the Alpes, chased this Gregorie the seuenth out of the citie, who had holden the
 papacie eleuen yeares, and placed in his stead Clement 
 the third, who held that dignitie seauenteene yeares, against foure popes
 successiuely chosen by the clergie. After whose death Henrie the 5 the emperour made Bourden pope; without regard of whom, the clergie
 neuerthelesse made choice of Calistus the second a
 Burgundion, who draue out Bourdin, before nominated by
 the emperour: and by a decree made at Wormes, enforced Henrie to sweare neuer more to take upon him to bestow any spirituall
 liuings upon anie: yet with condition, that he might be in the assemblies of
 the Bishops assistant, if he thought it so good. Which decree of the emperour
 Henry the fift is yet extant in the Vatican records,
 in these words, Pro salute animae meae dimitto Deo &
 sanctis Apostolis Petro & Paulo, sanctaeque Ecclesiae Catholicae, omnem
 inuestituram per annulum & baculum, & concedo in omnibus ecclesijs
 quae in imperio meo sunt, Canonicam fieri electionem. For the health of
 my soule I remit unto God and the holy Apostles Peter 
 and Paule, and to the
 holy Catholique Church, all inuestiture to bee made by Ring and pastorall
 staffe, and do graunt Canonicall election to be made in all the Churches which
 are in mine Empire. Neuerthelesse 229 yeares after, the Emperour Lewes of Bauaria created Nicholas 
 the fift bishop of Rome: Iohn the two and twentith, a
 Frenchman, then itting as pope at Auignion, who
 peremptorily citied the emperor to appeare before him and for default &
 contumacie, pronounced sentence of excommunication against him: The emperour
 likewise on the contrarie side summoned the same pope Iohn to come before him, saying the bishops of Rome to be subiect vnto
 his edicts and commaunds, as emperour: and by sentence giuen at Rome, where Nicholas the Antipape held his seat, depriued Iohn of his papacie. Which Nicholas afterwards retiring himselfe 
 unto Pisa, was by the citizens there betraied into the hands of pope Iohn his mortall enemie at Auignion, where he shut up in
 prison, for sorrow languished to death: and the emperour excommunicated, and
 therefore detested of all men, was forsaken of his subiects. And this was the
 eight emperour whome the bishop of Rome excommunicated: The
 eight emperours excommunicated by the pope were these▪ Fredericke the first,
 Frederick the second, Philip, Conrade, Otho the fourth, Lewes of Bauaria▪
 Henrie the fourth, and Henry the fift. after whose fall the German
 emperours thought it not good afterwards to attempt any thing against the
 bishops of Rome. But to the contrarie the emperour Charles the fourth gaue out his letters pattents, in the yeare 1355,
 whereby he acknowledgeth unto pope Innocent the fift,
 That although hee were chosen emperour by the princes, yet that he ought to
 take the confirmation of his election, and the imperiall crowne of him the
 pope; beginning in these words, Post pedum oscula beatorum,
 &c. 

 After the kissing of your blessed feet,
 &c. Which words we see still repeated in all the emperours letters unto the
 bishop of Rome, euen from the time of Lewes of Bauaria,
 vntill now. There is also extant in the Vatican, the forme of the coronation of the
 emperors, Base seruices to be done by the emperour to the
 pope. and by the emperour Charles the fourth
 approued; but no where more seruile seruices: where amongst other ceremonies,
 the emperour is as a subdeacon to minister unto the pope whilest he is saying
 masse; and after diuine seruice done, to hold his stirrop whilest he mounteth
 to horse, and for a certaine time to lead his horse by the bridle: with diuers
 other ceremonies at large set downe in the Vatican
 records, which it is needlesse here to
 rehearse. And yet one thing more is worth the marking which is not in the
 record expressed, which is, that the emperour to receiue the imperiall crowne,
 must goe to seeke the pope wheresoeuer he be, and to follow him if hee chaunce
 to remoue; as did the emperour Charles the fift, who
 being come into Italie, with hope to have gone unto the* pope at Rome, being
 aduertised of his departure thence to Bononia, was Clement
 the s uenth. glad thither to follow him:
 that so the dutie of an inferiour prince towards the maiesty of his superiour
 might the more plainely be perceiued. But after the death of Charles the fift, Ferdinand the emperour could
 not obtaine, that the pope should in his absence ratifie his election; but was
 oftentimes by the pope threatned, That hee would take such order for him, as
 that he should have nothing to doe with the affaires of the German empire: neither would he admit the emperours lawfull
 excuse, vntill hee was by the requests and meditation of the French king, and
 of the king of Spaine appeased: which the German princes tooke in euill part,
 seeing they had promised unto Ferdinand to imploy their
 whole power for the defence of the ma estie of the
 empire, against that the popes enterprises; as I have learned by the letters of
 the kings ambassadour, The humble subscription Charls the
 fift used in his letters to the pope. dated at Vienna, in Iuly 1559.
 And to show a greater submission of the emperours unto the popes, the
 subscription of the emperours letters unto the pope, is this, Ego manus ac pedes vestrae sanctitatis deosculor, viz. I kisse the
 hands and feet of your Holinesse. So used alwayes the emperour Charles the fift to subscribe to his letters, when he
 writ unto pope Clement the seuenth. Which he did not
 upon a faigned courtesie, but indeed in most
 humble and seruile manner kissed the popes feet, in the open sight of the
 people, and the greatest assemblies of many noble princes, at Bononia, Rome,
 and last of al at Marsielles in Prouence, where were met together the pope, the
 emperour, the kings of Fraunce and Nauarre, the dukes of Sauoy, of Buillon,
 Florence, Ferrara, Vitemberg the Grand Master of Malta, with many other princes
 and great lords, who all kissed the popes feet, except the dukes of Buillon and
 Vitemberg, Protestant princes, who had forsaken the rites and ceremonies of the
 church of Rome. In farre more base The base submission of the
 Duke of Venice and of Fredericke the second unto the pope. sort did
 that duke of Venice humble himselfe (who of the Venetians themselves is called
 a dog) for that he with a rope about his necke, and creeping upon all foure
 like a beast, so craued pardon of pope Clement the 5.
 But nothing was more base, than that which
 almost al historiographers which writ of the popes affairs, report of the
 emperor Fredericke the second▪ who to redeeme his sonne
 out of prison, lying prostrat upon the ground at the feet of pope Alexander the fourth, suffered him to tread uppon his
 head, if the histories be true. Whereby it is well to be perceiued, the
 maiestie of the Emperours, The maiestie of the emperours
 greatly diminished by the pope by the power (should I say) or by the
 outragiousnesse of the Bishops of Rome, to have bene so diminished, as that
 scarce the shadow of their antient maiestie seemeth now to remaine. They also
 say themselves to be greater than the emperours, and that so much greater, as
 is the Sunne greater than the Moone: that is to say, six thousand six hundred
 fortie and five times, if we will beleeue Ptolomee and
 the Arabians. And that more is, they have alwaies pretended a right unto the
 empire: for the imperiall seat being vacant,
 they have giuen the inuestitures unto them which held of the empire, and
 receiued of them their fealtie: as they did of Iohn and
 Luchin, vicounts of Milan, the imperiall seat being
 emptie in the yeare 1341, who are in the records called vassals of the church
 of Rome, and not of the empire; and are forbidden their odedience unto Lewes of Bauaria the emperour, who was then
 excommunicated, as we have before said. For which cause the Canonists haue
 maintained, that the emperour cannot giue up his imperiall dignitie unto any,
 but unto the pope: for which they yeeld this reason, That the emperours haue
 their soueraigntie of men, and the popes of God: 
 howbeit that both of them, as all others also in general, are of right to
 attribute all their power unto almightie God.
 Neuerthelesse the emperour Charles the fift worne with
 yeares and sicknesse, resigned his imperiall dignitie into the hands of the
 princes electors, and sent unto them his resignation by the prince of Orenge.
 But howsoever the Bishop of Rome pretended to have a soueraigntie over all
 Christian princes, not only in spirituall, but also in temporall affaires;
 whether they got it by force of armes, or by the deuotion and graunt of
 princes; or by long possession and prescription: yet could not our kings euen
 for any most short time endure the seruitude of the bishop of Rome, nor be
 moued with any their excommunications, which the popes used as firebrands to
 the firing of the Christian Commonweales. For these the popes
 interdictions, The French kings not afraid of the pops ex
 communication. or excommunications, were wont with other nations, to
 draw the subiects from the obedience and
 reuerence of their prince: but such hath alwaies bene the loue of our kings
 towards their people (and so I hope shall be for euer) and the loyaltie of the
 people towards their kings: that when pope Boniface the
 eight saw himselfe nothing to preuaile by his excommunication, nor that the
 people were to be drawne from the obedience of their king, after he had
 publikely excommunicated Philip the Faire, he in like
 maner excommunicated all the French nation, with all them which tooke Philip for a king. But Philip 
 hauing called together an assemblie of his princes, and other his nobilitie,
 and perceiuing in his subiects in generall a wonderfull consent for the defence
 of his state and soueraigntie: he thereupon writ letters unto Boniface (which are common in euerie mans hand) to reproue him of his
 folly: and shortly after sent Nogaret 

 with his armie into the popes territorie, who
 tooke the pope prisoner, (giuing him well to vnderstand that the king was not
 his subiect, as he had by his Bull published) but seeing him through
 impatiencie to become furious and mad, he set him againe at libertie. Yet from
 that the popes interdiction, the king by the aduice of his nobilitie and Senat,
 appealed unto a generall councell, which had power over the pope, abusing the
 holy cities. For the king next unto almightie God had none his superiour, vnto
 whom he might appeale: but the pope is bound unto the decrees and commaunds of
 the councell. And long tims before Philip the
 Victorious, and his realme being interdicted by pope Alexander the third, who would have brought him into his subiection:
 answered him by letters, That he held nothing of the pope, nor yet of any
 prince in the world. Benedict the third, and Iulius the second, had
 used the like excommunication against Charles the
 seuenth, and Lewes the twelfth (who was called the Father of his countrey ) that so as with firebrands they
 might inflame the people to rebellion: yet failed they both of their hope; the
 obedience of the subiects being in nothing diminished, but rather increased:
 the Bull of excommunication which the popes legat brought into Fraunce, being
 by the decree of the parliament of Paris openly torne in peeces, and the legat
 for his presumptuousnesse cast in prison. And not long after Iohn of Nauarre, who called himselfe countie Palatine, when he had
 made certaine publike notaries in Fraunce, and made legitimat certaine of his
 bastards, by vertue of the authoritie which he had (as he said) from the pope,
 he was therfore by a decree of the parliament 
 of Tholouze condemned of treason. True it is, that they which have thought
 better to assure the maiestie of the kings of Fraunce against the power of the
 pope, have obtained the popes buls whilest they yet sate in the citie of
 Auignion▪ to bee exempted from their power. And namely there is in the records
 of Fraunce a Bull of pope Clements the fift, whereby he
 not onely absolueth Philip the Faire and his subiects
 from the interdiction of Boniface the eight, but also
 declareth the king and the realme to be exempted from the popes power. Pope Alexander the fourth also gaue this priuilege unto the
 realme of Fraunce, That it could not for any cause bee interdicted▪ which was afterward by seuen popes successiuely confirmed, viz. by Gregory 

 the viij. ix. x. xj, Clement the fourth, Vrban the fift, and Benedict the twelft; whose bul 
 yet remaine in the records of Fraunce: which yet seeme unto me not to encrease,
 but rather to diminish the maiestie of our kings, who were neuer in any thing
 beholden unto the popes. And that more is, the court of parliament of Paris,
 hath by many decrees declared that clause, Auctoritate
 Apostolica, By the authoritie Apostolicall: The
 clause, Auctoritate Apostolica, vsually put into the
 popes buls or decrees, reiected in France. vsually inserted into the
 popes rescripts sent into France, to be void, meere abusiue, and to no purpose:
 and therefore it behoueth him, that would helpe himselfe by any such the popes
 rescript, to protest in iudgement, That he would not any way take benefit of
 that clause. By all which things it is plainely to be vnderstood, not onely the
 kings, but the kingdome of Fraunce also, to have bene alwayes free from all the
 popes power and commaund. For as for that
 which Iohn Durand himselfe a French writer, saith, That
 the French kings are subiect unto the pope, so farre as concerneth their oath,
 it needeth no refuting; as by him written being bishop of Mende, and at such
 time as under the color of oathe ioined unto contracts, the ecclesiastical
 iudges drew unto themselves the hearing and determining of all matters: which
 their iugling craft was both by the kings edicts, and the decrees of the high
 courts of parliament, long since met withall, and taken away. But if the French
 king shall in his owne priuat name contract with the pope, he may voluntarily
 and of his owne accord bind himselfe unto the popes iurisdiction, which we read
 to have bene done by Philip Valois, at such time as he
 borrowed the summe of three hundred and thirtie thousand florines of gold, of
 pope Clement the
 sixt, which is an ordinarie clause in all obligations, in which sort the pope
 himselfe might aswell as a priuat man be bound also. But this money the pope
 may seeme also not to have lent without reward; but beeing himselfe of the
 house of Turene, it may be thought that he for this
 summe so lent, procured of the king the great priueleges which the counties of
 Turene yet at this day enioy. Yea but I know some to pretend, that the French
 kings ought to receiue their royall crowne at the hands of the pope: for that
 king Pipin so receiued it at Saint Denise in Fraunce, of pope Zacharie: as though
 one act in discontinued solemnities, and of so great consequence, could giue a
 right, or establish a perpetuall law: which it cannot do in the getting of the
 least discontinued seruice; but by the prescription of 100 yeres: albeit that
 in truth the king leaueth not to bee king,
 without any coronation or consecration, which are not things of the
 soueraignty. And that no man can deny, but that if the donation of the exarchat
 of Rauenna & Pentapolis, one of the fairest countries of al Italie, be made
 by the kings of Fraunce unto the popes, and the church of Rome; it is also
 holden of that crowne of Fraunce: seeing that the confirmation of the
 seignories so giuen, was requested of Lewes the Gentle,
 successour to Charlemaigne: which confirmation Carolus Sigonius, a most skilfull man in the antiquities
 of Italie, writeth himselfe to have seene and read. Wherefrom a man may draw
 two most certaine arguments; The one, That the donation was made by the
 predecessours of Lewes the Gentle: And the other that
 the soueraigntie of the seignories so giuen, was yet reserued: For otherwise
 there should not have needed any of king Lewes his confirmation; considering that king Pipin had by law of armes wonne those territories from
 the emperours of Constantinople, & therfore might of right both giue them
 by himselfe so wonne, and also appoint lawes unto them so by him giuen. Albeit
 that the Constantinopolitan emperour sent ambassadors into France unto Pepin, to have had him to have infringed & reuoked
 the said donatiō: which they could not of him obtaine, but returned as they
 came; as is to be seene in the histories of Floardus and
 Sigonius. And that more is, Augustinus Onuphrius the popes chamberlaine, who had diligently
 searched all the Vatican records (speaking of the 
 popes) confesseth, that the exarchat of Rauenna, Romandiola, the duchie of
 Vrbin, and part of Tuscanie, were giuen to
 the Church of Rome. But hee speaketh not of that which I have read in the
 extract of the Vatican register, viz▪. Iohn, surnamed
 Digitorum, to have written in letters of gold, the
 donation pretended to have bene made by Constantine: in
 the end whereof are these words, Quam fabulam longi temporis
 mendacia finxit; which words I thought not good in any thing chaunge:
 as being much stronger arguments than those of La . Valla, to conuince the lies of Augustin Egubin, who of purpose to deceiue, hath forged
 in Greeke the donation of Constantine, to giue it the
 more credit; whose deceit is easie to be refuted both by the manner of the
 stile, and the knowledge of antiquitie: and is sufficiently refelled by Sigonius and Onuphrius both
 Italians. Which is also well iustified by the epistle of pope Iohn, written in the yeare 876, who
 therein confesseth the great largeses and donations bestowed upon the church of
 Rome by Pipin, Charlemaigne, and his successours: and by
 the auntient marble table, which is yet to be seene at Rauenna, wherein are
 these words contained, Pipinus Pius primus amplificaendae
 ecclesiae v am aperuit, & exarchatum Rauennae
 cum ampliss. The rest of the inscription time hath defaced. And thus
 much concerning the greatnesse and soueraigntie of our kings. I will not here touch the greatnesse and soueraigntie of the Negus of Aethiopia The princes se ing the great Negus of Aethiopia no kings nor
 soueraigns. commonly called Prester Iohn, 
 whome Paeu. Iouius writeth to have fiftie tributarie
 kings under him, or (to say better) gouernours of Prouinces, which yeeld vnto
 him not onely their ordinarie tributes, but also their fealtie and homage, and
 that in greater humilitie, than verie slaues do
 unto their lords: as a man may see in the historie of Francis
 Aluares a Portugall, who dwelt sixe yeres in Aethiopia, and yet
 neuerthelesse they are called kings without cause, because they be no absolute
 soueraignes, seeing that they be but tributaries, yeelding fealtie and homage
 unto another man. As for those princes which are no Christians, I have nothing to say, for the
 small assurance The Mahomitaine princes by their lawe
 forbidden to cal themselus lords or soueraigns. we have by the
 writings and reports of others, much differing among themselves. Yet
 neuerthelesse so it is, that in one chapiter of the Alcoron, it is expresly for
 bidden all the Musulman (that is to say the right
 beleeuing) princes, to call themselves lords, except their Caliph or great
 bishop their great prophet Muhamed his vicar. By meanes
 of which prohibition the Mahometan bishops have vsurped absolute soueraigntie
 aboue all their princes, giuing kingdomes
 and principalities, to whome they thought good, in name and title of
 governments: which may be also the cause that no Musulman prince weareth a
 crowne upon his head: albeit that before the most auntient kings of Asia and
 Afrike did weare crownes. And namely Ioiada the high
 priest, hauing consecrated Ioas king of Iuda, set a
 crowne upon his head. But the Musulman princes think that chapter not to haue
 bene made by Muhamed their law giuer, but by their
 Caliphes, (who of many diuers corrupt Alcorans made but one, long time after
 the death of Muhamed, defacing the rest, and for the
 augmenting of their maiestie, to have bene into their Alcoran by them inserted.
 But at such time as three of their great bishops had for the desire of
 soueraignty, at one time taken upon them the name of the great Caliph, the princes of Persia, the Curdes, the Turkes,
 the Tartars, the Sultans of Aegypt, the kings of Marocco, of Fez, of Telensin,
 of Tanes, of Bugia, and the people of Zenetes, and of Luntune, exempted
 themselves from the obeysance of the Caliphs, to hold their kingdomes in
 soueraigntie: as also the kings of Tombut, of Guynee, of Gaoga, and other
 kings, which dwell more into the hart of Afrike, who know not the Caliphes
 commaund, neither acknowledge any greater than themselves: except they Diuers Mahomitaine kings tributaries unto the king of
 portugal which hold in fealtie and homage of the king of Portugall,
 as the kings of Calecut, of Malachie, of Cambar, and of Canor, whomethey haue
 compelled so to do, and to pay them tribute; hauing
 also subdued all the sea coast of Afrike, and of the East Indies, and
 almost in infinit number of places built
 fortresses; yea and in the island of Ormus euen under the nose of the Persian
 king, hauing built a most strong castle, and straitly exacting tribute and
 custome of such as passe that way, or chaunce to arriue in the Persian gulfe;
 and had done the like in the red sea, had not Barnagas 
 gouernour of that coast, and the king of Aethiopia his subiect, cut the
 Portugals in peeces, and rased the fortresses which they had begun to build,
 under the colour of alliance and amitie contracted by Lopes ambassadour for the king of Portugall, with the king of
 Aethiopia, in the yere 1519. And yet for all that certaine it is, that the king
 of Portugall was of auntient time feudatarie or vassall unto the king of
 Castile, and the kingdome of Portugall a member Portugall of
 auntient time a member of the kingdom of Castile. of the kingdome of
 Castile: which for the greater part holden by force by the Moores, was giuen to Henrie, brother
 to Godfrey of Buillon, in marriage with the base
 daughter of Alphonsus king of Castile: from whome are
 descended all the kings of Portugall, since this foure hundred and fiftie
 yeares, unto Henrie the Cardinall, who last raigned:
 hauing (of long) exempted themselves from the soueraigntie of Castile, and
 holding diuers kings their tributaries and feudataries, of whome Emanuel was the greatest, and for his martiall prowesse
 amongst the rest most famous; who vanquished the aforesaid kings, and caused
 them to pay him tribute. For there are now no feudatarie kings in Asia, or
 Africa, which are not also tributarie; howbeit in auntient time the kings of
 Persia, and the Romans, hauing subdued kings unto their empire, for most part
 made them to become their tributaries: as for such fealtie and homage as is of
 vassals exacted, they knew not what it
 ment. For Philip the second, king of Macedon, being by
 the Romans ouercome, they graunted him peace uppon condition, that he should
 pay them into their common treasure, a certaine yearly tribute; which Perseus, Philip his sonne, afterwards refusing to pay,
 drew upon himselfe a great and heauy warre, to his owne vtter destruction. And
 yet oftentimes such tributarie kings had others tributarie unto themselves, who
 had also power of life and death, and other roiall soueraignties over their
 owne subiects. So the kingdome of Dauid was contained
 within the bounds of Palestine, and yet he enforced the neighbour kings to pay
 unto him tribute, his posteritie neuerthelesse not long after yeelding tribute
 unto the Aegyptians, and the Assirians. So the kings of Slauonia, and the
 Commonweale of Carthage used the like
 authoritie and right over the princes under their dominion, that the Romans
 exercised over them, enforcing them to bring their yearely tributes into their
 treasuries. Yet is there difference betwixt a tribute and a pention: for a pention is paid
 in respect Difference betwixt a pention and a tribute. 
 of fealtie, or in time of warres to receiue aid against our enemies: but a
 tribut is giuen, thereby to have peace; howbeit that he which receiueth such a
 pention, commonly boasteth of it, as of a tribute: as the kings of England
 called the pention of fiftie thousand crownes, which Lewes the xj paid unto them by the treatie of Piqueni, by the name of
 a tribute; vntill that Elizabeth the daughter of Edward king of England was married unto Charles the eight, king Lewes his sonne.
 Howbeit that Philip Comines 

 denyeth it to have bene either pention or
 tribute; yet needes it must bee either the one or the other. So the Grand
 Signior calleth the German emperour his tributarie, for the pention which he
 payeth euerie yeare for the peaceable enioying of a part of Hungarie. The
 Venetians also, the Genowayes, the Ragusians, the kings of Algiers and of
 Tunes, in his letters and in the conuentions of peace, he calleth by the name
 of his great friends and allies, but accounteth them indeed his tributaries.
 But the great Precop Tartar, who in auntient time was soueraigne of all the
 realmes from Volga to Boristhenes, held all the princes and lords of those
 countries as his vassals and tributaries, who not onely
 kneeled before himselfe, but stood before his ambassadours sitting: For so the Knez of Moscouie behaued himselfe before
 the ambassadours of this▪ Tartar prince, and was therefore of other princes
 commonly called but by the name of a duke: howbeit that the dukes of Moscouie,
 for this and diuers other such indignities cast off the seruile Tartars yoke,
 in the yeare 1524. And the first that reuolted from them was B silius the first, who called himselfe
 The Great Chamberlaine of God, and 

 The Moscoui an absolute soueraigne
 prince. 

 King of Moscouie: and so he which at this present
 raigneth, in despight that other princes tearme him but a duke, stileth
 himselfe The Great Emperour: as in truth he in power
 either excelleth, or is equall unto the greatest kings his neighbours,
 excepting the kings of the Turkes▪ albeit that the right of soueraigne maiestie
 be not defined by the spatiousnesse of places, or the greatnesse of countries,
 as if that might make a prince either 

 The notable saying of Eumenes to king Antigonus. more
 or lesse soueraigne: as Eumenes being ouerthrowne, and
 hauing nothing left him of his owne more than the castle wherein he was
 besieged, yet when as he was to treat of peace with Antigonus king of Asia (who as he was in power, would also in honor
 have seemed to have bene his superiour) answered, That he Plutar. in Eumene. acknowledged no man greater than
 himselfe, so long as he had his sword in his hand. And yet among soueraigne princes there is a certaine prerogative of honour
 due Degrees of honour among soueraigne princes being
 equall. unto the more auntient Monarches and Commonweals, although
 they bee in wealth & power inferior unto them that be more new or of later
 time: as we see amongst the xiij Cantons of the Swissers, who are all
 soueraignes, acknowledging nether prince nor monarch in the world for their
 soueraigne: the Canton of Zurich in all their assemblies 

 The order of the Cantons of the Swissars. hath the
 prerogative of honour: For their deputie as a prince in the name of all the
 rest of the Cantons, receiueth and dismisseth the ambassadours of other kings
 and Commonweals; and unto him onely it belongeth to call a generall assemblie
 of all the states of the Cantons, and againe to dismisse the same; albeit that
 the Canton of Berne be much greater and stronger: Next unto them of Berne, are
 Lucerne, and Vri, albeit that they are defended neither with wals nor ditches,
 no more than are the Schwits, and Vnderuald, which follow in order unto them of
 Vri: then follow after them Zug, Glaris, Basill, Friburg, and Soleurre. Now
 haply a man may say, That this is done according to the time that euerie Canton
 entred into their alliance: which is not so; for by their treaties it
 appeareth, that the first that entred in that confederation and alliance were they of Vri, Schwits, Zug, and
 Vnderuald. Sometimes also the more auntient Monarches and Commonweals lose their
 prerogative of honour; as when they put themselves into the protection of
 latter princes, Degrees of honour betwixt soueraign princes
 being in alliance together. or yeeld themselves tributaries: in which
 case it is most certaine, that they are alwaies lesse than the other into whose
 protection they put themselves, or unto whome they pay tribute. As it chaunced
 almost to all kings and princes which sought the protection of the Romans:
 whereas others which were come into equall alliance with them, as the Hed i, were in their leagues called their confederats,
 their equals and brethren: and yet for all that, they in truth and effect were
 inferiour unto them in honour. And verily Augustus the
 emperour showed himselfe wonderfull ceremonious and difficult in the honours which he bestowed on kings and princes,
 allies and under the protection of the empire of Rome; making Tetrarques,
 inferiour unto Ethnarques, and these inferiours unto kings; and the more
 auntient allies of the Romans, superiours unto the rest that came into their
 alliance after them. And albeit that the Romans in the flourishing time of
 their popular estate, seemed not much carefull of such ceremonies of dignitie
 and honour which is of kings and princes more regarded, yet did Q. Martius Philippus their ambassadour show himselfe
 therein curious: Who contending with Perseus king of
 Macedon, which of them shuld come over the riuer upon the frontiers of Macedon, unto the other: and Perseus 
 for that he was a king, refusing to come over 
 unto the Roman ambassadour, the ambassadour yet by sweet speech drew him ouer:
 Which he did (as he said unto the ambassadors of the allies and confederats
 there present with him) to show that the honour of the Romans was greater than
 that of the Macedonian kings; who for all that would in nothing giue place vnto
 the Romans. Yet was there a greater cause than that, which Martius, or els Liuie omitted, which was
 forthat Philip the father of Perseus had upon conditions, receiued peace of the Romans and also
 paid unto them tribute; which his father Philips act, if
 he had disliked, he should not have medled with the kingdome: although that he
 was otherwise vnworthy therof, who his father yet liuing, had aspired unto his
 inheritance: and being but borne of a concubine, had slaine his brother borne
 in lawfull marriage. But after that hee 
 ouerthrowne and vanquished by Paulus Aemilius▪ had lost
 the hope of his kingdome▪ he writ letters unto Aemilius, 
 generall of the Roman army, yet stiling himselfe a king: which his letters the
 Roman generall reiected, and would not vouchsafe to open them, except he first
 renounced his roiall dignitie, which can onely agree unto him which hath a
 soueraigne power, subiect to no other princes commaund. And for the same cause Francis the first the French king
 declared unto Cardinall Bibiene the popes legat, that
 the pope his master ought not to suffer the emperour Charles the fift to call himselfe king of Naples and of Sicilie,
 seeing that he was but the Popes vassall. Whereof the legat gaue aduertisement
 unto Iulian Cardinall de Medices, who was afterwards
 pope; to the end that that title might have beene rased, which as he certified him by his letters, was by the charters of
 fealtie, forbidden the kings of Naples to take: whereas for all that, in all
 the records which wee have got out of the Vatican, that is not onely not
 forbidden, but the name and dignitie of the king of Naples and Sicilie
 expressely set downe, as namely in the inuestitures of Charles of France, of Carobert, and of Iohn. So many times ambassadours euill instructed in
 their masters affaires, through ignorance commit therein many notable defaults.
 And by the same reason we should take the royall title of a king from the king
 of Bohemia, who holdeth his kingdome in fealtie and homage of the empire; and
 not for that it is so little, as many have written, that it is for that cause
 no kingdome, which were to measure kings by the elne: but it is, for that the
 countrey of Bohemia was by the emperour 

 Fredericke the first, for title of honour onely erected
 a kingdome, without preiudice unto the right or soueraignetie of the empire.
 But to say truth, this title agreeth unto none that is another mans vassall,
 nor hath nothing of his owne in title of soueraigntie. And it maybe, that for
 this cause pope Pius the fourth gaue not the royall
 title to The title of a king belongeth not unto an other mans
 vassal neither to him which holdeth nothing of his owne in soueraigntie. The
 maiestie of the emperour still impugned by this French author▪ and the
 French kings too much exalted. 

 Cosmus duke of Florence, albeit that he would very
 gladly have so done: whereof the emperour Maximilian the
 second, being by the French embassadour aduertised, not vnfitly replied, Italia non habet regem nisi Caesarem: Italy hath no king
 but the emperor. Although that be to be vnderstood of the maiestie of the
 German empire (whereof the Florentine state dependeth) & not of the
 emperour, who is himselfe subiect unto the estate of the empire: albeit that
 all christian princes giue him the prerogative of honor, next unto the pope, whether it be for that he is chiefe of
 the German empire, or els hath got it by long prescription of time. So also
 next unto the emperour, all other princes have used to giue this prerogative of
 honour unto the French kings; not only for the long possession thereof, but
 also for that in all the world (whether you looke among the Christians, or the
 Tartars, the Turkes, the Ethyopians, the Indians, or Barbarians) is not to be
 found so auntient a kingdome, or such a continuall discent of kings of the same
 stocke and line as is among the French kings. And therefore Baldus (being himselfe an Italian Lawyer and a subiect of the empire)
 sayth well, That the French king carieth the crowne of
 glorie aboue all the kings, who have alwaies giuen him that preheminence of honour. And there is also yet extant an
 epistle of pope Gregories unto king Childebert, the beginning whereof is this: Quanto
 caeteros homines regia maiestas antecellit, tanto caeterarum gentium regna,
 regni vestri culmen excellit: by how much the royall Maiestie excelleth
 other men, by so much doth the Maiestie of your kingdome excell the kingdomes
 of other nations. As in truth this prerogative is unto him due: for the Germane
 emperours themselves cannot denie, but that the German empire was sometime a
 prouince and member of the auntient kingdome of Fraunce, conquered by the
 prowesse of Charlemaigne king of France, and power of
 the French nation: but afterwards rent againe from the same, being giuen in
 partition to Lewes of France, yongest son to Lewes the Gentle, at such time as Charles the Bauld the French emperour
 held the imperiall seat of the empire: Howbeit that yet neuerthelesse the
 Germane princes the Othons, by the graunt of the Roman
 bishops hauing got the imperial title, have by little & little through the
 ignorance of our embassadors vsurped & taken unto themselves this
 prerogative of honour aboue the French kings. As in like case the king of
 Spaine not many yeares agoe would have preuented our kings ambassadours: but
 was at the request of M. Nouuaille, ambassadour for the
 French king, by a decree of the Venetian Senat embarred so to doe, in the yeare
 1558: and so likewise afterwards by a decree of the pope, giuen by the consent
 of all the colledge of Cardinals: where the pope said with a lowd and cleare
 voyce, That the French kings had beene alwayes the auntient protectours of the
 church of Rome, and that the fairest and
 fruitfullest prouinces of the kingdome of Spaine, had bene dismembred and rent
 from the kingdome of Fraunce: than which nothing could in that kind have beene
 more truely spoken; for by our kings, the authoritie of the bishops of Rome
 hath bene delivered from contempt, their wealth encreased, and their power
 confirmed. Contention at the counsel of Trent betwixt the
 Spanish and French embassadours about their places. Wherein the pope
 also in some sort amended the errour committed in the councell of Trent; where
 Mendoza the Spanish ambassadour, preferring himselfe
 and taking place before the French ambassadour (which then was M. Lansac, assisted with the M. M. of Ferrier & Faut)
 was to have bin compelled to have departed from the councell, or els to haue
 kept the auntient order of ambassadours, and so to have followed the French
 ambassadours: who withstanding the Spanish ambassadors presumption, requested that he might not so inuert the order of the
 ambassadours: saying, that otherwise he would himselfe forsake the Councell,
 and cause the French bishops to depart thence also. Whereunto the Spanish
 ambassadour craftily answered, That as he would not go before the French
 ambassadour, so would he not be enforced to follow him; and so tooke his place
 by himselfe apart from all the rest of the ambassadors. Yet notwithstanding
 these two former decrees which I have spoken of, the Spanish ambassadour not
 long after at Vienna in Austria, earnestly requested of the emperor, That he
 might goe in the same degree and order with the French ambassadour; or that
 they might at leastwise go formost by turnes (as did the Roman Consuls, who had
 the preheminence, the twelue sergeants, and power to commaund, successiuely,
 each of them his day) which Henrie the second the French king hearing of, writ againe to his
 ambassador, That prerogative of dignitie to be of so great moment and
 consequence, as that nothing therein was by him to be said or done more than he
 had commission for. And Ferdinand the emperour not
 willing to offend either the one or the other, thought it good to forbid them
 both from comming together, either unto sermons or other publike A good order for the auoiding of contētion betwixt the
 ambassadors of great princes, for their places▪ assemblies. The Senat
 of Polonia troubled with the same difficultie, thought it not good to preferre
 one ambassadour before another, neither to preferre them by turnes, or yet to
 make them equall: but decreed of all ambassadours in generall, that as every of them first came into the frontiers of the kingdome
 of Polonia, so should they be first in order
 heard. And so accordingly M. De Monluc bishop of Valence
 (who for his wisedome and dexteritie for mannaging of matters of estate, had
 beene fifteene times ambassadour) hauing by great celeritie preuented the
 Spanish ambassador, had also first audience; wherewith the Spanish ambassadour
 offended, would as then say nothing: as I have vnderstood by M. de Nouuaille abbot of Belle-iste, a man of great honour and vertue;
 who then was also ambassadour into Polonia, as he now is at Constantinople. But
 before the yeare 1558, neuer Christian prince made question of the preheminence
 of the French ambassadours before them of Spaine: and namely the English men
 alwayes preferred them before the Spaniard; albeit that they had bene auntient
 allies and friends unto the one, and enemies unto the other. As after the
 death of queene Marie, in the chapter holden by the knights of the most honourable
 order of the Garter, upon Saint Georges eue, in the
 yeare 1555, concerning the conferring The French preferred
 before the Spanish. of honours, it was decreed, That the French kings
 place should be aboue the rest, next unto the prince on the right hand; where
 before was the place for Spaine, while king Philip was
 married unto the queene. And the next day after being Saint Georges day, a day of great solemnitie unto the knights of that order,
 a seat was accordingly reserued for the French king, on the right hand next
 unto the prince: and another on the left hand for the king of Spaine, next vnto
 the emperours seat on the same side, being then emptie. And afterward in the
 time of Charles the ix, the queene of England caused to
 be sent unto him the banner of Fraunce, of the same stuffe and greatnes that
 her owne was, as the king was aduertised by
 M. de Foix then his ambassador there; and in the roll
 or Catalogue of these knights, which is signed euerie yeare by the queene, the
 French kings name is euer the first, next unto her owne. But to take away these difficulties and ielousies betwixt princes, about their
 honors, which are otherwise ineuitable and daungerous: it is declared in the
 xiij article of the ordinances of king Lewes the xj,
 touching the order of knights, that they should bee placed according to the
 time of their receiuing into the order, without prerogative of king or
 emperour. For euerie soueraigne prince who is neither tributarie, vassall, nor
 in the protection of another, may as seemeth unto him best in his owne countrey
 bestow the prerogatives of honour upon whomsoeuer hee pleaseth, and to reserue
 the chiefe place unto himselfe. We know right
 well that the Venetians, the Rhagusians, the Genowayes, the Moscouites, and the
 Polonians, are in league with the great Turk, and yet hath he alwaies giuen the
 prerogative of honour unto the French king, calling him in his letters the
 Greatest, and the Greatest among the most Great Princes of
 the Christians: & stileth himselfe The greatest
 of all Princes, and the chiefe Sarrach or Prince of the Musulmans; that
 is to say, Chiefe Prince of the right beleeuing or
 faithfull, which last prerogative of honour the Christian princes
 themselves have giuen him by their letters: and as for the first title it
 seemeth himselfe to have taken it from the auntient emperours of Constantinople, who bare in their armes foure B. which we
 call Fusills, wherby thesewords are signified; , that is to say King of kings, raigning
 over kings. Which was the title that the kings The
 armes of the antient emperors of Constantinople. of Babilon in
 auntient time tooke upon them also, as we may see in Ezechiel, who calleth the great king Nabucodonosor 

 that is to say, King
 of kings; for that all the kings of Asia were unto him tributaries: after which
 the kings of Persia hauing ouercome the kings of Asiria, as Esdras writeth, used the same title: & after them the Parthian
 kings also, as Dion writeth, that Phraates the king of Parthia called himselfe King of kings. But
 neither feudatarie kings which hold all their territories of others; neither
 dukes, marquesses, counties, or other like princes can of right vse the title
 of soueraigne maiestie, but only of his Highnesse, his Serenitie, or his Excellencie, as wee have before said.
 Wherfore seeing that princes Tributaries, and Feudadaries, are not to be
 accounted absolute soueraignes; neither they which are in the protection of
 others: let vs now speake of the true markes of Soueraigntie, thereby the
 better to know them who they be that be such.