Mankind unreasonably complain of their nature, that, being weak and short-lived, it is governed by chance rather than intellectual power; I. Intellectual power] Virtute. See the remarks on virtus, at the commencement of the Conspiracy of Catiline. A little below, I have rendered via virtutis, "the path of true merit." for, on the contrary, you will find, upon reflection, that there is nothing more noble or excellent, and that to nature is wanting rather human industry than ability or time. The ruler and director of the life of man is the mind, which, when it pursues glory in the path of true merit, is sufficiently powerful, efficient, and worthy of honor, Worthy of honor] clarus. "A person may be called clarus either on account of his great actions and merits; or on account of some honor which he has obtained, as the consuls were called clarissimi viri; or on account of great expectations which are formed from him. But since the worth of him who is clarus is known by all, it appears that the mind is here called clarus because its nature is such that pre-eminence is generally attributed to it, and the attention of all directed toward it." Dietsch. and needs no assistance from fortune, who can neither bestow integrity, industry, or other good qualities, nor can take them away. But if the mind, ensnared by corrupt passions, abandons itself Abandons itself] Pessum datus est. Is altogether sunk and over-whelmed. to indolence and sensuality, when it has indulged for a season in pernicious gratifications, and when bodily strength, time, and mental vigor, have been wasted in sloth, the infirmity of nature is accused, and those who are themselves in fault impute their delinquency to circumstances. Impute their delinquency to circumstances, etc.] Suam quisque culpam ad negotia transferunt. Men excuse their indolence and inactivity, by saying that the weakness of their faculties, or the circumstances in which they are placed, render them unable to accomplish any thing of importance. But, says Seneca , Satis natura homini dedit roboris, si illo utamur ;—nolle in causâ, non posse prœtenditur. "Nature has given men sufficient powers, if they will but use them; but they pretend that they can not, when the truth is that they will not." " Negotia is a common word with Sallust, for which other writers would use res, facta. " Gerlach. "Cujus rei nos ipsi sumus auctores, ejus culpam rebus externis attribuimus." Müller. "Auctores" is the same as the Greek ἄιτιοι. 
 If man, however, had as much regard for worthy objects, as he has spirit in the pursuit of what is useless, Useless] Aliena. Unsuitable, not to the purpose, not contributing to the improvement of life. unprofitable, and even perilous, he would not be governed by circumstances more than he would govern them, and would attain to a point of greatness, at which, instead of being mortal, Instead of being mortal] Pro mortalibus. There are two senses in which these words may be taken: as far as mortals can, and instead of being mortals. Kritz and Dietsch say that the latter is undoubtedly the true sense. Other commentators are either silent or say little to the purpose. As for the translators, they have studied only how to get over the passage delicately. The latter sense is perhaps favored by what is said in c. 2, that "the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal." he would be immortalized by glory. As man is composed of mind and body, so, of all our concerns and pursuits, some partake the nature of the body, and some that of the mind. Thus beauty of person, eminent wealth, corporeal strength, and all other things of this kind, speedily pass away; but the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal. Of the advantages of person and fortune, as there is a beginning, there is also an end; they all rise and fall, II. They all rise and fall, etc.] Omnia orta occidunt, et aucta senescunt. This is true of things in general, but is here spoken only of the qualities of the body, as De Brosses clearly perceived. increase and decay. But the mind, incorruptible and eternal, the ruler of the human race, actuates and has power over all things, Has power over all things] Habet cuncta. "All things are in its power." Dietsch. " Sub ditione tenet. So Jupiter , Ov. Met. i. 197:
 Quum mihi qui fulmen, qui vos habeoque rogoque. " Bernouf. 
So Aristippus said, Habeo Laidem, non habeor à Laide, ἔχω ὀυκ ἔχομαι. Cic, Epist, ad Fam. ix. 26. yet is itself free from control. The depravity of those, therefore, is the more surprising, who, devoted to corporeal gratifications, spend their lives in luxury and indolence, but suffer the mind, than which nothing is better or greater in man, to languish in neglect and inactivity; especially when there are so many and various mental employments by which the highest renown may be attained. Of these occupation us, however, civil and military offices, III Civil and military offices] Magistratus et imperia. "Illo vocabulo civilia, hoc militaria munera, significantur." Dietsch. and all administration of public affairs, seem to me at the present time, by no means to be desired; for neither is honor conferred on merit, nor are those, who have gained power by unlawful means, the more secure or respected for it. To rule our country or subjects To rule our country or subjects, etc.] Nam vi quidem regere patriam aut parents, etc. Cortius, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Müller are unanimous in understanding parentes as the participle of the verb parco. That this is the sense, says Gerlach, is sufficiently proved by the conjunction aut; for if Sallust had meant parents, he would have used ut; and in this opinion Allen coincides. Doubtless, also, this sense of the word suits extremely well with the rest of the sentence, in which changes in government are mentioned. But Bernouf, with Crispinus, prefers to follow Aldus Manutius, who took the word in the other signification, supposing that Sallust borrowed the sentiment from Plato, who says in his Epistle ad Dionis Propinquos: Πατέρα δὲ ἢ μητέρα ὀυχ ὅσιον ἡγοῦμαι προσβιύζεσθαι, μὴ νόσῳ παραφροσύνησ ἐχομένους. Βίαν δὲ πατρίδι πολιτέιασ μεταβολῆσ ηὴ προσφερειν, ὅταν ἄνευ φυγῶν, καὶ σφαγῆζ ἀνδρῶν, μὴ δυνατὸν ᾗ γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀριστὴν. And he makes a similar observation in his Crito: Πανταχοὖ ποιητέον, ὃ ἃν κελεύοι ἡ πόλισ τε, καὶ ἡ πατρὶς. On which sentiments Cicero, ad Fam. i. 9, thus comments: Id enim jubet idem ille Plato, quem ego auctorem vehementer sequor; tantum contender in republica quantum probare tuis civibus possis: vim neque parenti, neque patriœ afferre oportere. There is also another passage in Cicero, Cat. i. 3, which seems to favor this sense of the word: Si te parentes timerent atque odissent tui, neque eos ullâ ratione placare posses, ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquò concederes; nunc te patria, quœ communis est omnium nostrum parens odit ac metuit, etc. Of the first passage cited from Plato, indeed, Sallust's words may seem to be almost a translation. Yet, as the majority of commentators have followed Cortius, I have also followed him. Sallust has the word in this sense in Jug., c. 102: Parentes abunde habemus. So Vell. Pat. ii. 108: Principatis constans ex voluntate parentium. by force, though we may have the ability, and may correct what is wrong, is yet an ungrateful undertaking; especially as all changes in the state lead to Lead to] Portendant. " Portendere in a pregnant sense, meaning not merely to indicate, but quasi secum ferre, to carry along with them." Kritzius. bloodshed, exile, and other evils of discord; while to struggle in ineffectual attempts, and to gain nothing, by wearisome exertions, but public hatred, is the extreme of madness; unless when a base and pernicious spirit, perchance, may prompt a man to sacrifice his honor and liberty to the power of a party. Among other employments which are pursued by the intellect, the recording of past events is of pre-eminent utility; but of its merits I may, I think, be silent, since many have spoken of them, and since, if I were to praise my own occupation, I might be considered as presumptuously IV. Presumptuously] Per insolentiam. The same as insolenter, though some refer it, not to Sallust, but to quis existumet, in the sense of strangely, i.e. foolishly or ignorantly. I follow Cortius's interpretation. praising myself. I believe, too, that there will be some, who, because I have resolved to live unconnected with political affairs, will apply to my arduous and useful labors the name of idleness; especially those who think it an important pursuit to court the people, and gain popularity by entertainments. But if such persons will consider at what periods I obtained office, what sort of men At what periods I obtained office, what sort of men, etc.] Quibus ego tomporibus magistratus adeptus sum, et quales viri, etc. "Sallust obtained the quæstorship a few years after the conspiracy of Catiline, about the time when the state was agitated by the disorders of Clodius and his party. He was tribune of the people, A.U.C. 701, the year in which Clodius was killed by Milo . He was prætor in 708, when Cæsar had made himself ruler. In the expression quales viri , etc., he alludes chiefly to Cato, who, when he stood for the prætorship, was unsuccessful." Bernouf. Kritzius defends adeptus sum. were then unable to obtain it, and what description of persons have subsequently entered the senate, What description of persons have subsequently entered the senate] "Cæsar chose the worthy and unworthy, as suited his own purposes, to be members of the senate." Bernouf. they will think, assuredly, that I have altered my sentiments rather from prudence than from indolence, and that more good will arise to the state from my retirement, than from the busy efforts of others. I have often heard that Quintus Maximus, Quintus Maximus] Quintus Fabius Maximus, of whom Ennius says, Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit rem; Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem. Publius Scipio, Publius Scipio] Scipio Africanus the Elder, the conqueror of Hannibal . See c. 5. and many other illustrious men of our country, were accustomed to observe, that, when they looked on the images of their ancestors, they felt their minds irresistibly excited to the pursuit of honor. To the pursuit of honor] Ad vertutem. Virtus in the same sense as in virtutis viâ, c. 1. Not, certainly, that the wax, The wax] Ceram illam. The images or busts of their ancestors, which the nobility kept in the halls of their houses, were made of wax. See Plin. H. N. xxxv., 2. or the shape, had any such influence; but, as they called to mind their forefathers' achievements, such a flame was kindled in the breasts of those eminent persons, as could not be extinguished till their own merit had equaled the fame and glory of their ancestors. But, in the present state of manners, who is there, on the contrary, that does not rather emulate his forefathers in riches and extravagance, than in virtue and labor? Even men of humble birth, Men of humble birth] Homines novi. See Cat., c. 23. who formerly used to surpass the nobility in merit, pursue power and honor rather by intrigue and dishonesty, than by honorable qualifications; as if the prætorship, consulate, and all other offices of the kind, were noble and dignified in themselves, and not to be estimated according to the worth of those who fill them. But, in expressing my concern and regret at the manners of the state, I have proceeded with too great freedom, and at too great length. I now return to my subject. I am about to relate the war which the Roman people carried on with Jugurtha, King of the Numidians; first, because it was great, sanguinary, and of varied fortune; and secondly, because then, for the first time, opposition was offered to the power of the nobility; a contest which threw every thing, religious and civil, into confusion, V. Threw every thing, religious and civil into confusion] Divina et humana cuncta permiscuit. "All things, both divine and human, were so changed, that their previous condition was entirely subverted." Dietsch. and was carried to such a height of madness, that nothing but war, and the devastation of Italy , could put an end to civil dissensions. Civil dissensions] Studiis civilibus. This is the sense in which most commentators take studia; and if this be right, the whole phrase must be understood as I have rendered it. So Cortius; "Ut non prius finirentur [studio civilia] nisi bello et vastitate Italiæ." Sallust has studia paratium, Jug c. 42; and Gerlach quotes from Cic. pro Marcell . c. 10: " Non enim consiliis solis et studiis, sed armis etiam et castris dissidebamus. " But before I fairly commence my narrative, I will take a review of a few preceding particulars, in order that the whole subject may be more clearly and distinctly understood. In the second Punic war, in which Hannibal , the leader of the Carthaginians, had weakened the power of Italy more than any other enemy More than any other enemy] Maximè. since the Roman name became great, Since the Roman name became great] Post magnitudinem nominis Romani. "I know not why interpreters should find any difficulty in this passage. I understand it to signify simply since the Romans became so great as they were in the time of Hannibal ; for, before that period they had suffered even heavier calamities, especially from the Gauls." Cortius. Masinissa, King of the Numidians, being received into alliance by Publius Scipio, who, from his merits was afterward surnamed Africanus, had performed for us many eminent exploits in the field. In return for which services, after the Carthaginians were subdued, and after Syphax, Syphax] "He was King of the Masæsyli in Numidia ; was at first an enemy to the Carthaginians (Liv. xxiv. 48), and afterward their friend (Liv. xxviii. 17). He then changed sides again, and made a treaty with Scipio ; but having at length been offered the hand of Sophonisba, the daughter of Asdrubal, in marriage, he accepted it, and returned into alliance with the Carthaginians. Being subsequently taken prisoner by Masinissa and Lælius, the lieutenant of Scipio, (Liv. xxx. 2) he was carried into Italy , and died at Tibur (Liv. xxx. 45)." Bernouf. whose power in Italy was great and extensive, was taken prisoner, the Roman people presented to Masinissa, as a free gift, all the cities and lands that they had captured. Masinissa's friendship for us, accordingly, remained faithful and inviolate; his reign His reign] Imperii. Cortius thinks that the grant of the Romans ceased with the life of Masinissa, and that his son Micipsa, reigned only over that part of Numidia which originally belonged to his father. But in this opinion succeeding commentators have generally supposed him to be mistaken. and his life ended together. His son, Micipsa, alone succeeded to his kingdom; Mastanabal and Gulussa, his two brothers, having been carried off by disease. Micipsa had two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and had brought up in his house, with the same care as his own children, a son of his brother Mastanabal, named Jugurtha, whom Masinissa, as being the son of a concubine, had left in a private station.