The affair being thus concluded, a full account of it was immediately transmitted to the consul by messengers. Great anxiety, and great joy, affected him at the same moment. He rejoiced that, by the discovery of the conspiracy, the state was freed from danger; but he was doubtful how he ought to act, when citizens of such eminence were detected in treason so atrocious. He saw that their punishment would be a weight upon himself, and their escape the destruction of the Commonwealth. Having, however, formed his resolution, he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and one Quintus Cæparius of Terracina, who was preparing to go to Apulia to raise the slaves, to be summoned before him. The others came without delay; but Cæparius, having left his house a little before, and heard of the discovery of the conspiracy, had fled from the city. The consul himself conducted Lentulus, as he was prætor, holding him by the hand, and ordered the others to be brought into the Temple of Concord, under a guard. Here he assembled the senate, and in a very full attendance of that body, introduced Volturcius with the deputies. Hither also he ordered Valerius Flaccus, the prætor, to bring the box with the letters XLVI. The box with the letters] Scrinium cum literis. Litteræ may be rendered either letter or letters. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probably in the box. which he had taken from the deputies. Volturcius, being questioned concerning his journey, concerning his letter, XLVII. His letter] Litteris. His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So præter litteras a little below. and lastly, what object he had had in view, What object he had had in view, etc.] Quid, aut quâ de causâ, consilii habuisset. What design he had entertained, and from what motive he had entertained it. and from what motives he had acted, at first began to prevaricate, To prevaricate] Fingere alia. "To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy." Bernouf. and to pretend ignorance of the conspiracy; but at length, when he was told to speak on the security of the public faith, On the security of the public faith] Fide publicâ. "Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth." Bernouf. he disclosed every circumstance as it had really occurred, stating that he had been admitted as an associate, a few days before, by Gabinius and Cæparius; that he knew no more than the deputies, only that he used to hear from Gabinius, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, and many others, were engaged in the conspiracy. The Gauls made a similar confession, and charged Lentulus, who began to affect ignorance, not only with the letter to Catiline, but with remarks which he was in the habit of making, "that the sovereignity of Rome, by the Sibylline books, was predestined to three Cornelii; that Cinna and Sylla had ruled already ; That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already] Cinnam atque Syllam antea. "Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation. and that he himself was the third, whose fate it would be to govern the city; and that this, too, was the twentieth year since the Capitol was burned; a year which the augurs, from certain omens, had often said would be stained with the blood of civil war." The letter then being read, the senate, when all had previously acknowledged their seals, Their seals] Signa sua. "Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux." Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the letter it was necessary to cut the string: " nos linum incidimus. " Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Paus. 4, and Adam's Roman Antiquities. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors; see Cicero, loc. cit. decreed that Lentulus, being deprived of his office, should, as well as the rest, be placed in private custody. In private custody] In liberis custodiis. Literally, in "free custody," but "private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called free because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch calls it ὔδεσμον φυλακήν, as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 3. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consideration. Lentulus, accordingly, was given in charge to Publius Lentulus Spinther, who was then ædile; Cethegus, to Quintus Cornificius; Statilius, to Caius Cæsar; Gabinius, to Marcus Crassus; and Cæparius, who had just before been arrested in his flight, to Cneius Terentius, a senator. The common people, meanwhile, who had at first, from a desire of change in the government, been too much inclined to war, having, on the discovery of the plot, altered their sentiments, began to execrate the projects of Catiline, to extol Cicero to the skies; and, as if rescued from slavery, to give proofs of joy and exultation. Other effects of war they expected as a gain rather than a loss; but the burning of the city they thought inhuman, outrageous, and fatal, especially to themselves, whose whole property consisted in their daily necessaries and the clothes which they wore. On the following day, a certain Lucius Tarquinius was brought before the senate, who was said to have been arrested as he was setting out to join Catiline. This person, having offered to give information of the conspiracy, if the public faith were pledged to him, XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him] Si fides publica data esset. See c. 47. and being directed by the consul to state what he knew, gave the senate nearly the same account as Volturcius had given, concerning the intended conflagration, the massacre of respectable citizens, and the approach of the enemy, adding that " he was sent by Marcus Crassus to assure Catiline that the apprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, and others of the conspirators, ought not to alarm him, but that he should hasten, with so much the more expedition to the city, in order to revive the courage of the rest, and to facilitate the escape of those in custody." And to facilitate the escape of those in custody] Et illi facilius è periculo eriperentur. When Tarquinius named Crassus, a man of noble birth, of very great wealth, and of vast influence, some, thinking the statement incredible, others, though they supposed it true, yet, judging that at such a crisis a man of such power A man of such power] Tanta vis hominis. So great power of the man. was rather to be soothed than irritated (most of them, too, from personal reasons, being under obligation to Crassus), exclaimed that he was " a false witness," and demanded that the matter should be put to the vote. Cicero, accordingly, taking their opinions, a full senate decreed " that the testimony of Tarquinius appeared false; that he himself should be kept in prison; and that no further liberty of speaking Liberty of speaking] Potestatem. "'Potestatem loquendi." Cyprianus Popma. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, on condition that he spoke the truth, went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison. should be granted him, unless he should name the person at whose instigation he had fabricated so shameful a calumny." There were some, at that time, who thought that this affair was contrived by Publius Autronius, in order that the interest of Crassus, if he were accused, might, from participation in the danger, more readily screen the rest. Others said that Tarquinius was suborned by Cicero, that Crassus might not disturb the state, by taking upon him, as was his custom, As was his custom] More suo. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, Cæsar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity among the common people. the defense of the criminals. That this attack on his character was made by Cicero, I afterward heard Crassus himself assert. Yet, at the same time, neither by interest, nor by solicitation, nor by bribes, could Quintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon Cicero to have Caius Cæsar falsely accused, either by means of the Allobroges, or any other evidence. Both of these men were at bitter enmity with Cæsar; Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on, etc.] Piso, oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum. Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert pecuniarum before repetundarum, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. Oppugnatus, says he, is equivalent to gravitur vexatus, or violently assailed and Piso was thus assailed by Cæsar on account of his unjust execution of the Gaul; the words in judicio repetundarum merely mark the time when Cæsar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing, he was attacked by Cæsar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words in judicio are wanting in one MS., would omit them, and make oppugnatus govern pecuniarum repetundarum, as if it were accusatus; a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Cæsar; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12. his trial for extortion, on a charge of having illegally put to death a Transpadane Gaul; Catulus, as having hated him ever since he stood for the pontificate, because, at an advanced age, and after filling the highest offices, he had been defeated by Cæsar, who was then comparatively a youth. Comparatively a youth] Adolescentalo. Cæsar was then in the thirty-third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 8. The opportunity, too, seemed favorable for such an accusation; for Cæsar, by extraordinary generosity in private, and by magnificent exhibitions in public, By magnificent exhibitions in public] Publicè maximis muneribus. Shows of gladiators. had fallen greatly into debt. But when they failed to persuade the consul to such injustice, they themselves, by going from one person to another, and spreading fictions of their own, which they pretended to have heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges, excited such violent odium against him, that certain Roman knights, who were stationed as an armed guard round the Temple of Concord, being prompted, either by the greatness of the danger, or by the impulse of a high spirit, to testify more openly their zeal for the republic, threatened Cæsar with their swords as he went out of the senate-house.
 While these occurrences were passing in the senate, and while rewards were being voted, an approbation of their evidence, to the Allobrogian deputies and to Titus Volturcius, the freedmen, and some of the other dependents of Lentulus, were urging the artisans and slaves, in various directions throughout the city, L. In various directions throughout the city] Variis itineribus—in vicis. Going hither and thither through the streets. to attempt his rescue; some, too, applied to the ringleaders of the mob, who were always ready to disturb the state for pay. Cethegus, at the same time, was soliciting, through his agents, his slaves Slaves] Familiam. "Servos suos, qui propriè familia." Cortius. Familia is a number of famuli. and freedmen, men trained to deeds of audacity, to collect themselves into an armed body, and force a way into his place of confinement. The consul, when he heard that these things were in agitation, having distributed armed bodies of men, as the circumstances and occasion demanded, called a meeting of the senate, and desired to know " what they wished to be done concerning those who had been committed to custody." A full senate, however, had but a short time before A full senate, however, had but a short time before, etc.] The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their country; Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence should be passed on them. declared them traitors to their country. On this occasion, Decimus Junius Silanus, who, as consul elect, was first asked his opinion, moved On this occasion—moved] Tunc—decreverat. The tunc (or as most editors have it, tum ) must be referred to the second meeting of the senate, for it does not appear that any proposal concerning the punishment of the prisoners was made at the first meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the pluperfect tense, decreverat. I have translated it as the perfect. We must suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Cæsar's speech, which was to follow, and signifies that all this business had been done before Cæsar addressed the house. Kritzius thinks that the pluperfect was referred by Sallust, not to Cæsar's speech; but to the decree of the senate which was finally made; but this is surely a less satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the pluperfect, where his reader would expect the perfect; see, for instance, concusserat, at the beginning of c. 24. that capital punishment should be inflicted, not only on those who were in confinement, but also on Lucius Cassius, Publius Furius, Publius Umbrenus, and Quintus Annius, if they should be apprehended; but afterward, being influenced by the speech of Caius Cæsar, he said that he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero, That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero] Pedibus in sententian Tib. Neronis—iturum. Any question submitted to the senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained either by numeratio, a counting of the votes, or by discessio, when those who were of one opinion, at the direction of the presiding magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7; Suet. Tib. 31; Adam's Rom. Ant.; Dr. Smith's Dictionary, Art. Senatus. had proposed that the guards should be increased, and that the senate should deliberate further on the matter. Cæsar, when it came to his turn, being asked his opinion by the consul, spoke to the following effect: