<TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:py="http://codespeak.net/lxml/objectify/pytype" py:pytype="TREE"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div type="translation" xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:latinLit:phi0474.phi014.perseus-eng2" subtype="translation"><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="71" resp="perseus"><p> Do not then, O Cato, deprive the lower class
    of men of this power of showing their dutiful feelings; allow these men, who hope for everything
    from us, to have something also themselves, which they may be able to give us. If they have
    nothing beyond their own vote, that is but little; since they have no interest which they can
    exert in the votes of others. They themselves, as they are accustomed to say, cannot plead for
    us, cannot go bail for us, cannot invite us to their houses; but they ask all these things of
    us, and do not think that they can requite the services which they receive from us by anything
    but by their attentions of this sort. Therefore they resisted the Fabian law, which regulated
    the number of an escort and the resolution of the senate, which was passed in the consulship of
    Lucius Caesar. For there is no punishment which can prevent the regard shown by the poorer
    classes for this description of attention. </p></div><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="72" resp="perseus"><p> “But spectacles
    were exhibited to the people by their tribes, and crowds of the common people were invited to
    dinner.” Although this, O judges, was not done by Murena at all, but done in accordance with all
    usage and precedent by his friends, still, being reminded of the fact, I recollect how many
    votes these investigations held in the senate have lost us, O Servius. For what time was there
    ever, either within our own recollection or that of our fathers, in which this, whether you call
    it ambition or liberality, did not exist to the extent of giving a place in the circus and in
    the forum to one's friends, and to the men of one's own tribe? The men of the poorer classes
    first, who had not yet obtained from those of their own tribe <gap reason="lost"/>
   <milestone unit="para"/>[A considerable break in the text.] <milestone n="35" unit="chapter"/></p></div><milestone unit="para"/><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="73" resp="perseus"><p><gap reason="lost"/> that the prefect of the carpenters <note anchored="true">Besides the
     classes into which the centuries were divided and the four supernumerary centuries of <foreign xml:lang="lat">accensi</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="lat">velati</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang="lat">proletarii</foreign>, and <foreign xml:lang="lat">capite censi</foreign>, there
     were three centuries classed according to their occupation. The <foreign xml:lang="lat">fabri</foreign>, or carpenters, who were attached to the centuries of the first class; the
      <foreign xml:lang="lat">cornicines</foreign>, or hornblowers, and <foreign xml:lang="lat">liticines</foreign>, or trumpeters, who were reckoned with the fourth class. </note> once
    gave a place to the men of his own tribe. What will they decide with respect to the eminent men
    who have erected regular stalls in the circus for the sake of their own tribesmen? All these
    charges of escort of spectacles of dinners, are brought forward by the multitude, O Servius, as
    proofs of your over-scrupulous diligence but still as to those counts of the indictment Murena
    is defended by the authority of the senate. And why not? Does the senate think it a crime to go
    to meet a man? No but it does, if it be done for a bribe. Prove that it was so. Does the senate
    think it a crime for many men to follow him? No, but it does, if they were hired. Prove it. Or
    to give a man a place to see the spectacles? or to ask a man to dinner? Not by any means; but to
    give every one a seat to ask everyone one meets to dinner. “What is every one?” Why, the whole
    body of citizens. It then, Lucius Natta, a young man of the highest rank, as to whom we see
    already of what sort of disposition he is, and what sort of man he is likely to turn out wished
    to be popular among the centuries of the knights, both because of his natural connection with
    them, and because of his intentions as to the future, that will not be a crime in, or matter of
    accusation against his stepfather; nor, if a vestal virgin, my client's near relation, gave up
    her place to see the spectacle in his favour, was that any other than a pious action nor is he
    liable to any charge on that ground. All these are the kind offices of intimate friends the
    services done to the poorer classes, the regular privileges of candidates. </p></div><milestone unit="para"/><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="74" resp="perseus"><p>
   But I must change my tone for Cato argues with me on rigid and stoic principles. He says that
    it is not true that good-will is conciliated by food. He says that men's <pb n="366"/>
    judgments, in the important business of electing to magistracies, ought not to be corrupted by
    pleasures. Therefore, if any one, to promote his canvass, invites another to supper, he must be
    condemned. “Shall you,” says he, “seek to obtain supreme power, supreme authority, and the helm
    of the republic, by encouraging men's sensual appetites, by soothing their minds, by tendering
    luxuries to them? Are you asking employment as a pimp from a band of luxurious youths, or the
    sovereignty of the world from the Roman people?” An extraordinary sort of speech! but our
    usages, our way of living, our manners, and the constitution itself rejects it. For the
    Lacedaemonians, the original authors of that way of living and of that sort of language, men who
    lie at their daily meals on hard oak benches, and the Cretans, of whom no one ever lies down to
    eat at all, have neither of them preserved their political constitutions or their power better
    than the Romans, who set apart times for pleasure as well as times for labour; for one of those
    nations was destroyed by a single invasion of our army, the other only preserves its discipline
    and its laws by means of the protection afforded to it by our supremacy. <milestone n="36" unit="chapter"/></p></div><milestone unit="para"/><div type="textpart" subtype="section" n="75" resp="perseus"><p>
   Do not, then, O Cato, blame with too great severity of language the principles of our
    ancestors, which facts, and the length of time that our power has flourished under them,
    justify. There was, in the time of our ancestors, a learned man of the same sect an honourable
    citizen, and one of high rank, Quintus Tubero. He, when Quintus Maximus was giving a feast to
    the Roman people, in the name of his uncle Africanus, was asked by Maximus to prepare a couch
    for the banquet as Tubero was a son of the sister of the same Africanus. And he, a most learned
    man and a Stoic, covered for that occasion some couches made in the Carthaginian fashion, with
    skins of kids, and exhibited some Samian <note anchored="true">Samian vessels were made of an
     inferior earthenware; Carthaginian couches were very low and narrow.</note> vessels, as if
    Diogenes the Cynic had been dead, and not as if he were paying respect to the obsequies of that
    godlike Africanus; a man with respect to whom Maximus, when he was pronouncing his funeral
    panegyric on the day of his death, expressed his gratitude to the immortal gods for having
    caused that man to be born in this republic above all others, for that it was quite inevitable
    that the sovereignty of the world must belong to that state of which be was a citizen. At the
    celebration of the obsequies of such a man the Roman people was very indignant at the perverse
    wisdom of Tubero, </p></div></div></body></text></TEI>