While it was necessary and while the ease made it
 inevitable, one man had all the power, and after he created magistrates and established
 laws, his own proper office and authority was restored to every one. And if those who
 recovered it wish to retain it, they will be able to retain it for ever. But if they
 either participate in or approve of these acts of murder and rapine, these enormous and
 prodigal expenses—I do not wish to say anything too severe against them; not even as an
 omen; but this one thing I do say; unless those nobles of ours are vigilant, and virtuous,
 and brave, and merciful, they must abandon their honours to those men in whom these
 qualities do exist. Let them, therefore, cease at
 least to say that a man speaks badly, if he speaks truly and with freedom; let them cease
 to make common cause with Chrysogonus; let them cease to think, if he be injured, that any
 injury has been done to them; let them see how shameful and miserable a thing it is that
 they, who could not tolerate the splendour of the knights, should be able to endure the
 domination of a most worthless slave—a domination, which, O judges, was formerly exerted
 in other matters, but now you see what a road it is making for itself, what a course it is
 aiming at, against your good faith, against your oaths, against your decisions, against
 almost the only thing which remains uncorrupted and holy in the state. Does Chrysogonus think that in this particular too he has some
 influence? Does her even wish to be powerful in this? O miserable and bitter circumstance!
 Nor, in truth, am I indignant at this, because I am afraid that he may have some
 influence; but I complain of the mere fact of his having dared this, of his having hoped
 that with such men as these he could have any influence to the injury of an innocent man.
 
 Is it for this that the nobility has roused itself, that it has recovered the republic by
 arms and the sword—in order that freedmen and slaves might be able to maltreat the
 property of the nobles, and all your fortunes and ours, at their pleasure? If that was the object, I confess that I erred in being anxious
 for their success. I admit that I was mad in espousing their party, although I espoused
 it, O judges, without taking up arms. But if the victory of the nobles ought to be an
 ornament and an advantage to the republic and the Roman people, then, too, my speech ought
 to be very acceptable to every virtuous and noble man. But if there be any one who thinks
 that he and his cause is injured when Chrysogonus is found fault with, he does not
 understand his cause, I may almost say he does not know himself. For the cause will be
 rendered more splendid by resisting every worthless man. The worthless favourers of
 Chrysogonus, who think that his cause and theirs are identical, are injured themselves by
 separating themselves from such splendour.