<TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns:py="http://codespeak.net/lxml/objectify/pytype" py:pytype="TREE"><text><body><div type="translation" n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0010.tlg018.perseus-eng2" xml:lang="eng"><div n="21" subtype="section" type="textpart"><p> But what contributed most to their good government of the state was that of the two
          recognized kinds of equality—that which makes the same award to all alike and that which
          gives to each man his due<note resp="editor">For these two kinds of equality
            cf. <bibl n="Isoc. 3.14">Isoc. 3.14 ff.</bibl>; <bibl n="Isoc. 2.14">Isoc. 2.14</bibl>;
              <bibl n="Plat. Rep. 558c">Plat. Rep. 558c</bibl>, and <bibl n="Plat. Laws 757b">Plat.
              Laws 757b</bibl>; <bibl n="Aristot. Pol. 5.1301a.26">Aristot. Pol. 1301a 26
            ff.</bibl></note>—they did not fail to grasp which was the more serviceable; but,
          rejecting as unjust that which holds that the good and the bad are worthy of the same
          honors, </p></div><div n="22" subtype="section" type="textpart"><p>and preferring rather that which rewards and punishes every man according to his deserts,
          they governed the city on this principle, not filling the offices by lot from all the
            citizens,<note resp="editor">The method of electing the various magistrates
            changed from time to time, and is much less simple than Isocrates here represents it to
            be. For example, election of the chief magistrates, the archons, by lot (though from a
            previously selected group) is at least as old as Solon. On the other hand, in Isocrates’
            day officers who had supervision over military and financial affairs were elected by
            show of hands in the General Assembly. See Gilbert, <title>Greek Constitutional
              Antiquities</title>(English translation) pp. 216 ff. It seems clear, however, that
            after Cleisthenes all classes of citizens, the poor as well as the rich, became eligible
            to the offices (<bibl n="Plut. Arist. 22">Plut. Arist. 22</bibl>) and that election by
            lot became increasingly a device to further pure democracy.</note> but selecting the
          best and the ablest for each function of the state; for they believed that the rest of the
          people would reflect the character of those who were placed in charge of their affairs.
        </p></div><div n="23" subtype="section" type="textpart"><p> Furthermore they considered that this way of appointing magistrates was also more
          democratic than the casting of lots, since under the plan of election by lot chance would
          decide the issue and the partizans of oligarchy would often get the offices; whereas under
          the plan of selecting the worthiest men, the people would have in their hands the power to
          choose those who were most attached to the existing constitution. </p></div><div n="24" subtype="section" type="textpart"><p> The reason why this plan was agreeable to the majority and why they did not fight over
          the offices was because they had been schooled to be industrious and frugal, and not to
          neglect their own possessions and conspire against the possessions of others, and not to
          repair their own fortunes out of the public funds,<note resp="editor">He is
            thinking of pay, not only for the magistrates, but for attendance at the sessions of the
            jury courts, of the General Assembly, etc. See <bibl n="Isoc. 8.130">Isoc. 8.130</bibl>.
            Aristotle (<bibl n="Aristot. Ath. Pol. 24">Aristot. Ath. Pol. 24</bibl>) states that
            since the changes which were introduced by Aristides over twenty thousand Athenians
            earned their livelihood in public service of one sort or another. In the same work (62)
            he gives a brief sketch of the pay for such services.</note> but rather to help out the
          commonwealth, should the need arise, from their private resources,<note resp="editor">For the public spirit of the old democracy see <bibl n="Isoc. 4.76">Isoc.
              4.76</bibl>; <bibl n="Isoc. 8.42">Isoc. 8.42 ff.</bibl>; <bibl n="Isoc. 12.145">Isoc.
              12.145 ff.</bibl></note> and not to know more accurately the incomes derived from the
          public offices than those which accrued to them from their own estates. </p></div><div n="25" subtype="section" type="textpart"><p>So severely did they abstain from what belonged to the state that it was harder in those
          days to find men who were willing to hold office<note resp="editor">Cf. <bibl n="Isoc. 12.146">Isoc. 12.146</bibl>; <bibl n="Plat. Rep. 347b">Plat. Rep.
            347b</bibl>, <bibl n="Plat. Rep. 520d">Plat. Rep. 520d</bibl>; <placeName key="tgn,2633991">Ruskin</placeName>, <title>Crown of Wild Olive</title>: “No one ever
            teaches well who wants to teach or governs well who wants to govern: it is an old saying
            (Plato’s but I know not if his first) and as wise as old.”</note> than it is now to find
          men who are not begging for the privilege; for they did not regard a charge over public
          affairs as a chance for private gain but as a service to the state; neither did they from
          their first day in office seek to discover whether their predecessors had overlooked any
          source of profit, but much rather whether they had neglected any business of the state
          which pressed for settlement. </p></div></div></body></text></TEI>