THE L. Cardinall euen in the first passage of his Oration, hath laid a firme foun- dation, That Ecclesiastics in France are more deepely obliged to the King, then the Nobilitie, and third Estate: His reason; Because the Clergie doe sweetly enioy their dignities and promotions, with all their infinite wealth, of the Kings meere grace, without all danger, and with faire immunities; whereas the other two Orders hold their offices by a chargeable and burdensome title or tenure, euen to the great expence of their blood, and of their substance. But see now, how loose and weake a frame he hath erected and pinned together, vpon his firme and solide foundation: Ergo, the third Estate is to lay all care to prouide remedies against apposted cut-throats, vpon the Clergy; and the said remedies (as he boldly affirms) must be deriued from the laws of conscience, which may carry an effectual acting or operatiue efficacie vpon the soule, and not from ciuil or temporall punishments. Now this consequence limpeth like a lame creple after the premises: For it is no vsuall and common matter, to see men that are deepest in obligation, performe their duties and couenants with most fidelity. Againe, were it graunted the Clergie had well hitherto demonstrated their carefull watch- ing ouer the life and honour of their Prince; yet is it not for spirituall punish- ments thundered by Ecclesiastics, to bind the hands of the ciuill Magistrate, nor to stop the current of temporall punishments: which ordinarily doe carrie a greater force and vertue to the bridling of the wicked, then the apprehension of Gods iudgement.

The third Estate therefore, by whom all the officers of France are properly represented, as to whom the administration of iustice and protection of the Kings rights and Honour doth appertaine, can deserue no blame in carrying so watch- full an eye, by their wholesome remedie to prouide for the safetie of the King, and for the dignitie of his Crowne. For if the Clergie shall not stand to their tackle, but shrinke when it commeth to the push of their duetie; who shall charge them- selves with carefull foresight and preuention of mischiefes ? Shall not the people? Now, haue not all the calamities, which the third Estate haue sought prouidently to preuent; haue they not all sprung from the Clergie, as from their proper and naturall fountaine ? From whence did the last ciuill warres, wherein a world of blood was not more profusely then prodigiously and vnnaturally spilt, and wherein the parricide of King Henrie III. was impiously and abominably committed; from whence did those bloodie warres proceed, but from the deposing of the said King by the Head of the Church ? Were they not Prelats, Curats, and Confessours; were they not Ecclesiastics, who partly by seditious preachments, and partly by secret confessions, powred many a iarre of oyle vpon this flame ? Was not he that killed the forenamed King, was not he one of the Clergie ? Was not Guignard a Iesuite ? Was not Iohn Chastel brought vp in the same schoole? Did not Rauaillac that monster of men, vpon interrogatories made at his examination; among the rest, by whom he had beene so diabolically tempted and stirred vp to his most execrable attempt and act of extreme horror: did not he referre his examiners to the Sermons made the Lent next before, where they might be satis- fied concerning the causes of his abominable vndertaking and execution ? Are not Bellarmine, Eudaemonoiohannes, Suarez, Becanus, Mariana, with such other monsters, who teach the doctrine of parricides, vphold the craft of Ianus-like Equiuocations in Courts of Iustice, and in secret confessions: are they not all Clerics ? are not all their bookes approoued and allowed, as it were by a corpora- tion or grosse companie of Doctors, with their signes manuel to the said bookes ? What were the heads, the chiefe promoters, the complices of the powder-con- spiracie in my Kingdome ? were they not Ecclesiastics ? Hath not Faux by name, a confederate of the same damned crew; hath not he stoutly stood to the gun- ners part, which then he was to act in that most dolefull Tragedie, with asseuera- tion of a conscience well assured and setled, touching the lawfulnesse of his enter- prise? Did he not yeild this reason? to wit, because he had bin armed with instruction of musket proofe in the case, before he made passage ouer from the Low Countries ? Is it not also the generall beleefe of that Order, that Clerics are exempted from the condition of Subiects to the King ? Nay, is it not confessed by the L. CardinallPag. 7. himselfe, that King-killers haue ingaged themselues to vndertake the detestable act of parricide vnder a false credence of Religion, as beeing instructed by their schoolemasters in Religion ? And who were they but Ecclesiasticall persons ? All this presupposed as matter of trewth, I draw this conclusion: Howsoeuer no small number of the French Clergie may perhaps beare the affection of louing Subiects to their King, and may not suffer the Cleri- call character to deface the impression of naturall allegiance; yet, for so much as the Order of Clerics is dipped in a deeper die, and beareth a worse tincture of daungerous practises then the other Orders; the third Estate had beene greatly wanting to their excellent prouidence and wisedome, if they should haue relin- quished and transferred the care of designements and proiects for the life of their King, and the safety of his Crowne, to the Clergie alone. Moreouer, the Clergie standeth bound to referre the iudgement of all matters of controuersie, to the sentence of the Pope, in this cause beeing a partie, and one that pretendeth Crownes to depend vpon his Mitre. What hope then might the third Estate conceiue, that his Holinesse would passe against his owne cause, when his iudge- ment of the controuersie had beene sundrie times before published and testified to the world ? And whereas the plot or modell of remedies proiected by the third Estate, and the Kings Officers, hath not prooued sortable in the euent: was it because the said remedies were not good and lawfull ? No verily: but because the Clergie refused to become contributors of their duty and meanes to the grand seruice. Likewise, for that after the burning of bookes, addressed to iustifie re- bellious people, traytors, and parricides of Kings; neuerthelesse the authors of the said bookes are winked at, and backt with fauour. Lastly, for that some wretched parricides drinke off the cuppe of publike iustice; whereas to the fire- brands of sedition, the sowers of this abominable doctrine, no man saith so much as blacke is their eye.

It sufficiently appeareth, as I supose, by the former passage, that his Lordship exhorting the third Estate to referre the whole care of this Regall cause vnto the Clergie, hath tacked his frame of weake ioynts and tenons to a very worthy but wrong foundations. Howbeit, he labourethPage 9. to fortifie his exhortation with a more weake and feeble reason: For to make good his proiect he affirmes, that matters and maximes out of all doubt and question may not be shuffled together with points in controueresie. Now his rules indubitable are two: The first, It is not lawfull to murther Kings for any cause whatsoeuer: This he confirmeth by the example of Saul (as he saith) deposed from his Throne, whose life or limbs Dauid neuerthelesse durst not once hurt or wrong for his life: Likewise he confirmes the same by a Decree of the Councill held at Constance: Conc. Constan. Sess. 15. His other point indu- bitable; The Kings of France are Soueraignes in all Temporall Soueraigntie, within the French Kingdome, and hold not by fealtie either of the Pope, as hau- ing received or obliged their Crownes vpon such tenure and condition, or of any other Prince in the whole world; Which point, neuerthelesse he takes not for certaine and indubitable, but onely according to humane and historicall certain- tie. Now a third point he makes to be so full of controuersie, and so farre within the circle of disputable questions, as it may not be drawne into the ranke of classicall and authenticall points, for feare of making a certaine point doubtfull, by shuffling and iumbling therewith some point in controuersie. Now the ques- tion so disputable, as he pretendeth, is this: A Christian Prince breaks his oath solemnely taken to God, both to liue and to die in the Catholique Religion: Say this Prince turnes Arrian, or Mahometan, fals to proclaime open warre, and to wage battell with Iesus Christ: Whether may such a Prince be declared to haue lost his Kingdome, and who shall declare the Subjects of such a Prince to be quit of their oath of allegiance ? The L. Cardinall holds the affirmatiue, and makes no bones to maintaine, that all other parts of the Catholique Church, yea the French Church, euen from the first birth of her Theologicall Schooles, to Caluins time and teaching, haue professed that such a Prince may bee lawfully remooued from his Throne by the Pope, and by the Councill: and suppose the contrarie doctrine were the very Quintessence or spirit of trewth, yet might it not in case of faith be vrged and pressed otherwise then by way of problematicall disceptation. That is the summe of his Lordships ample discourse: The refuting whereof I am constrained to put off, and referre vnto an other place; because he hath serued vs with the same dishes ouer and ouer againe. There we shall see the L. Cardinall maketh way to the dispatching of Kings after deposition: that Saul was not deposed, as he hath presumed: that in the Councill of Constance there is nothing to the purpose of murthering Soueraigne Princes: that his Lord- ship, supposing the French King may be depriued of his Crowne by a superiour power, doth not hold his liege Lord to be Soueraine in France: that by the posi- tion of the French Church from aage to aage, the Kings of France are not subiect vnto any censure of deposition by the Pope: that his Holinesse hath no iust and lawfull pretence to produce, that any Christian King holds of him by fealtie, or is obliged to doe the Pope homage for his Crowne.

Well then, for the purpose; he dwelleth onely vpon the third point pretended questionable, and this hee affirmeth: If any shall condemne, or wrappe vnder the solemne curse, the abettours of the Popes power to vn-king lawfull and Soueraigne Kings; the same shall runne vpon four dangerous rocks of apparent incongruities and absurdities.

First, he shall offer to force and entangle the consciences of many deuout per- sons: For he shall binde them to beleeue and sweare that doctrine, the contrary whereof is beleeued of the whole Church, and hath bene beleeued by their Predecessors.Pag. 14.

Secondly, he shall ouerturne from top to bottome the sacred authoritie of holy Church, and shall set open a gate vnto all sorts of heresie, by allowing Lay- persons a bold libertie to be iudges in causes of Religion and Faith: For what is that degree of boldnesse, but open vsurping of the Priesthood; what is it but putting of prophane hands vpon the Arke; what is it but laying of vnholy fingers vpon the holy Censor for perfumes ?

Thirdly, hee shall make way to a Schisme, not possible to bee put by and auoyded by any humane prouidence. For this doctrine beeing held and pro- fessed by all other Catholiques; how can we declare it repugnant vnto Gods word; how can wee hold it impious; how can wee account it detestable, but wee shall renounce communion with the Head and other members of the Church; yea, we shall confesse the Church in all aages to haue bene the Synagogue of Satan, and the spouse of the Deuill ?

Lastly, by working the establishment of this Article, which worketh an estab- lishment of Kings Crownes; He shall not onely worke the intended remedy for the danger of Kings, out of all the vertue and efficacie thereof, by weakening of doctrine out of all controuersie, in packing it vp with a disputable question; but likewise in stead of securing the life and estate of Kings, he shall draw both into farre greater hazards, by the traine or sequence of warres, and other calamities, which vsually waite and attend on Schismes.

The L. Cardinall spends his whole discourse in confirmation of these foure heads, which wee now intend to sift in order, and demonstratiuely to prooue that all the said inconueniences are meere nullities, matters of imagination, and built vpon false presuppositions. But before wee come to the maine, the reader is to be enformed and aduertised, that his Lordship setteth a false glosse vpon the question; and propounds the case not onely contrary to the treweth of the sub- iect in controuersie, but also to the Popes owne minde and meaning: For he restraines the Popes power to depose Kings, onely to cases of Heresie, Apostasie, and persecuting of the Church; whereas Popes extend their power to a further distance. They depose Princes for infringing, or in any sort diminishing the Priuiledges of Monasteries: witnesse Gregorie the first in the pretended Charter granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons; the said Charter beeing annexed to his Epistles in the rere. The same hee testifieth in his Epistle to Senator, by name the tenth of the eleuenth booke. They depose for naturall dulnesse and lacke of capacitie, wether in-bred and trew indeed, or onely pretended and imag- ined: witnesse the glorious vaunt of Gregory VII. that Childeric King of France was hoysted out of his Throne by Pope Zachary,Caus. 15. Can Alius. Qu. 6. Not so much for his wicked life, as for his vnablenesse to beare the weightie burden of so great a Kingdome. They depose for collating of Benefices and Prebends: witnesse the great quarrels and sore contentions betweene Pope Innocent III. and Iohn King of England: as also between Philip the Faire and Boniface VIII. They depose for adulteries and Matrimoniall suites: witnes Philip I. for the repudiating or casting off his law- full wife Bertha, and marrying in her place with Bertrade wife to the Earle of Aniou. Finally, faine would I learne into what Heresie or degree of Apostasie, either Henry IV. or Frederic Barbarossa, or Frederic II. Emperours were fallen, when they were smitten with Papall fulminations, euen to the depriuation of their Imperiall Thrones.Paul Aemil. in Phil. 3. What ? was it for Heresie or Apostasie, that Pope Martin IV. bare so hard a hand against Peter King of Arragon, that he acquitted and released the Aragonnois from their oath of Alleagiance to Peter their lawfull King ? Was it for Heresie or Apostasie, for Arrianisme or Mahumetisme, that Lewis XII. so good a King and Father of his Countrey, was put downe by Iulius the II ? Was it for Heresie or Apostasie, that Sixtus V. vsurped a power against Henrie III. euen so farr as to denounce him unkingd; the issue whereof was the parricide of that good King, and the most woefull desolation of a most flourish- ing Kingdome ? But his Lordship best liked to worke vpon that ground, which to the outward shew and appearance, is the most beautifull cause that can be al- leaged for the dishonouring of Kings by the weapon of deposition: making him- selfe to beleeue that he acted the part of an Orator before personages not much acquainted with ancient and moderne histories, and such as little vnderstood the state of the question then in hand. It had therefore beene a good warrant for his Lordship, to haue brought some authenticall instrument from the Pope, whereby the French might haue beene secured, that his Holinesse renounceth all other causes auouchable for the degrading of Kings; and that he will henceforth rest in the case of Heresie, for the turning of Kings out of their Free-hold: as also that his Holinesse by the same or like instrument might haue certified his pleasure, that hee will not hereafter make himselfe Iudge, whether Kings bee tainted with damnable Heresie, or free from Hereticall infection. For that were to make him selfe both Iudge and Plaintiffe, that it might be in his power to call that doctrine Hereticall, which is pure Orthodoxe: and all for this end, to make himselfe master of the Kingdome, and there to settle a Successour, who receiuing the Crowne of the Popes free gift and grant, might be tyed thereby to depend altogether vpon his Holinesse. Hath not Pope Boniface VIII. declared in his proud Letters all those to be Heretiques, that dare vndertake to afirme, the collating of Prebends apperteineth to the King ? It was that Popes grosse errour, not in the fact, but in the right. The like crime forsooth was by Popes imputed to the vnhappy Em- perour Henrie IV. And what was the issue of the said imputation? The sonne is instigated thereby to rebell against his father, and to impeach the interrement of his dead corps, who neuer in his life had beate his braines to trouble the sweet waters of Theologicall fountaines. It is recorded by Auentine,Annal. Boio. Lib. 3. that Bishop Virgilius was declared Heretique, for teaching the Position of Antipodes. The Bull Exurge,Inuanen. Episcop. marching in the rere of the last Lateran Councel, sets downe this Position for one of Luthers heresies, A new life is the best repentance.Optima poenitentia noua vita.Among the crimes which the Councel of Constance Conc. Constan. Sess. 2. charged Pope Iohn XXIII. withall, one was this, that hee denied the immortalitie of the soule, and that so much was pub- liquely, manifestly, and notoriously knowen. Now if the Pope shall be caried by the streame of these or the like errours, and in his Hereticall prauitie shall de- pose a King of the contrary opinion, I shall hardly bee perswaded, the said King is lawfully deposed.

THE first inconuenience growing (in the Cardinall his conceit) by entertaining the Article of the third Estate (whereby the Kings of France are declared to be indeposeable by any superiour power spirituall or temporall) is this: It offereth force to the conscience, vnder the penaltie of Anathema, to condemne a doctrine be- leeued and practised in the Church, in the continuall current of the last eleuen hun- dred yeeres. In these words he maketh a secret confession, that in the first flue hundred yeeres, the same doctrine was neither apprehended by faith, nor ap- prooued by practise. Wherein, to my vnderstanding, the L. Cardinall volun- tarily giueth ouer the suite: For the Church in the time of the Apostles, their disciples, and successors, for 500. yeeres together, was no more ignorant what authoritie the Church is to challenge ouer Emperours and Kings, then at any time since in any succeeding aage; in which as pride hath still flowed to the height of a full Sea, so puritie of religion and manners hath kept for the most part at a lowe water marke. Which point is the rather to be considered, for that during the first 500. yeeres, the Church groned vnder the heauy burthen, both of heathen Emperours, and of hereticall Kings; the Visigot Kings in Spaine, and the Vandals in Africa. Of whose displeasure the Pope had small reason or cause to stand in any feare, beeing so remote from their dominions, and no way vnder the lee of their Soueraigntie.

But let vs come to see, what aide the L. Cardinall hath amassed and piled together out of latter histories: prouided wee still beare in mind, that our ques- tion is not of popular tumults, nor of the rebellion of subjects making insurrec- tions out of their owne discontented spirits and brainesicke humors, nor of law- full Excommunications, nor of Canonicall censures and reprehensions; but onely of a iuridicall sentence of deposition, pronounced by the Pope, as armed with ordinary and lawfull power to depose, against a Soueraigne Prince.

Now then, The L. Cardinall Exampl. 1. pag. 18 Euag. hist. Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 32. sets on, and giues the first charge with Anasta- sius the Emperour, whom Euphemius Patriarke of Constantinople would neuer acknowledge for Emperour: (that is to say, would neuer consent he should be created Emperour by the helpe of his voice or suffrage) except he would first subscribe to the Chalcedon Creed: notwithstanding the great Empresse and Sen- ate sought by violent courses and practises to make him yeeld. And when after- ward the said Emperour, contrary to his oath taken, played the relaps by falling into his former heresie, and became a persecutor; he was first admonished, and then excommunicated by Symmachus Bishop of Rome. To this the L. Cardinall addes, that when the said Emperour was minded to choppe the poison of his hereticall assertions into the publique formes of diuine seruice, then the people of Constantinople made an vproare against Anastasius their Emperour; and one of his Commanders by force of armes, constrained him to call backe certaine Bishops whom he had sent into banishment before.

In this first example the L. Cardinall by his good leaue, neither comes close to the question, nor salutes it a farre off. Euphemius was not Bishop of Rome: Anastasius was not deposed by Euphemius; the Patriarch onely made no way to the creating of Anastasius. The suddaine commotion of the base multitude makes nothing, the rebellion of a Greeke Commaunder makes lesse, for the author- izing of the Pope to depose a Soueraigne Prince. The Greeke Emperour was ex- communicated by Pope Symmachus: who knowes whether that be trew or forged ? For the Pope himselfe is the onely witnesse here produced by the L. Cardinall vpon the point: and who knowes not how false, how supposititious, the writings and Epistles of the auncient Popes are iustly esteemed ? But graunt it a trewth; yet Anastasius excommunicated by Pope Symmachus, is not Anastasius deposed by Pope Symmachus. And to make a full answere, I say further, that excommunication denounced by a forraine Bishop, against a party not beeing within the limits of his iurisdiction, or one of his owne flocke, was not any barre to the party from the communion of the Church, but onely a kind of publication, that he the said Bishop in his particular, would hold no further communion with any such party.

For proofe whereof, I produce the Canons of the Councils held at Carthage. In one of the said Canons it is thus prouided and ordained;Nomocan. Affric. Can. 77. *O)fei/lein tou\s toiou/tous th= koinoni/a|. *Th=s i)di/as av)tw=n a)rkei+ws e)kklhoi/as. If any Bishop shall wilfully absent himselfe from the vsuall and accustomed Synodes, let him not be admitted to the communion of other Churches, but let him onely vfe the benefit and libertie of his owne Church. In an other of the same Canons thus; Can. 81. eiusd. Nomo. a)po\ pw=n doipw=n koinoni/as xwrico/menos th=| tou= i)di/ou koinoni/a| a)rkeoqh=| mo/nh| If a Bishop shall insinuate himselfe to make a conueiance of his Monasterie, and the ordering thereof vnto a Monke of any other Cloister; let him be cut off, let him be sepa- rated from the communion with other Churches and content himselfe to liue in the communion of his owne flocke. In the same sense Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers excommunicated Liberius Anathema tibi a me Liberi. Faber. in frag. Hilarij. Bishop of Rome, for subscribing to the Arrian Con- fession. In the same sense, Iohn Bishop of Antioch excommunicated Celestine of Rome, and Cyrill of Alexandria, Bishops; for proceeding to sentence against Nestorius, without staying his comming to answere in his owne cause. In the same sense likewise, Victor Bishop of Rome did cut off all the Bishops of the East, not from the communion of their owne flocke, but from communion with Victor and the Romane Church. What resemblance, what agreement, what propor- tion, betweene this course of excommunication, and that way of vniust fulmina- tion which the Popes of Rome haue vsurped against Kings, but yet certaine long courses of time after that auncient course ?

And this may stand for a full answere likewise to the example of Clotharius.Examp. 2. This ancient King of the French, fearing the censures of Pope Agapetus, erected the Territorie of Yuetot vnto the title of a Kingdome, by way of satisfaction for murdering of Gualter, Lord of Yuetot. For this example the L. Cardinall hath ransackt records of 900. yeares antiquitie and vpward; in which times it were no hard piece of worke to shew, that Popes would not haue any hand, nor so much as a finger in the affaires and acts of the French Kings. Gregorie of Tours that liued in the same aage, hath recorded many acts of excesse, and violent iniuries done against Bishops by their Kings, and namely against Praetextatus Bishop of Roan; for any of which iniurious prankes then played, the Bishop of Rome durst not reprooue the said Kings with due remonstrance. But see heere the words of Gregorie himselfe to King Chilperic: If any of vs, 0 King, shall swarue from the path of Iustice, him hast thou power to punish: But in case thou shalt at any time transgresse the lines of equitie, who shall once touch thee with re- proofe ? To thee wee speake, but are neuer heeded and regarded, except it be thy pleasure: and bee thou not pleased, who shall challenge thy greatnesse, but hee that iustly challengeth to bee Iustice it selfe ? The good Bishop, notwithstanding these humble remonstrances, was but roughly entreated, and packt into exile, being banished into the Isle of Guernsay. But I am not minded to make any deepe search or inquisition, into the titles of the Lords of Yuetot; whose honourable priuiledges and titles are the most honourable badges and cognizances of their Ancestours, and of some remarkeable seruice done to the Crowne of France: so farre I take them to differ from a satisfaction for sinne: And for the purpose I onely affirme, that were the credit of this historie beyond all exception, yet makes it nothing to the present question, Wherein the power of deposing, and not of excommunicating supreme Kings, is debated. And suppose the King by Charter granted the said priuiledges for feare of Excommunication; how is it prooued thereby, that Pope Agapetus had lawfull and ordinary power to depriue him of his Crowne? Nay, doubtlesse it was rather a meanes to eleuate and aduance the dignitie of the Crowne of France, and to style the French King, a King of Kings, as one that was able to giue the qualitie of King, to all the rest of the Nobles and Gentry of his Kingdome. Doeth not some part of the Spanish Kings greatnesse, consist in creating of his, great ?

In the next place followeth Gregorie I.Examp. 3. pag. 22. who in the 10. Epistle of the 11. booke, confirming the priuiledges of the Hospitall at Augustodunum in Bourgongne, pro- hibiteth all Kings and Prelates whatsoeuer, to infringe or diminish the said priuiledges, in whole or in part. His formall and expresse words bee these: If any King, Prelate, Iudge, or any other Secular person, informed of this our Constuti- tion, shall presume to goe or doe contrary thereunto, let him bee cast downe from his power and dignitie. I answere; the Lord Cardinall heere wrongs himselfe very much, in taking imprecations for Decrees. Might not euen the meanest of the people vse the same tenour of words, and say ? If any shall touch the life, or the most sacred Maiestie of our Kings, be he Emperour, or be he Pope, let him bee accursed; let him fall from his eminent place of authoritie; let him lose his dignitie; let him tumble into beggerie, diseases, and all kindes of calamities ? I forbeare to shew how easie a matter it is for Monkes, to forge titles after their owne humour, and to their owne liking, for the vpholding and maintaining of their priuiledges. As for the purpose, the same Gregorie citeth in the end of his Epistles another priuiledge, of the like stuffe and stampe to the former, granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons: It is fenced with a like clause to the other; But of how great vntrewth, and of how little weight it is, the very date that it beareth, makes manifest proofe: For it runs, Dated the yeere of our Lords In- carnation 593. the 11. Indiction; whereas the 10. Indiction agreeth to the yeere 593. Besides, it was not Gregories maner to date his Epistles, according to the yeere of the Lord. Againe, the said priuiledge was signed by the Bishops of Alexandria and Carthage, who neuer knew (as may well bee thought) whether any such Abbey of S. Medard, or citie of Soissions, was euer built in the world. Moreouer, they signed in the thickest of a crowd as it were of Italian Bishops. Lastly, hee that shall reade in this Gregories Epistles, with what spirit of reuerence and humilitie he speaketh of Emperours, will hardly beleeue that euer hee armed himselfe with authoritie to giue or to take away Kingdomes. Hee styles him- selfe Epist. 6.l. 3. Ego autem indignus pietatis tuae seruus. Ego vero haec Dominis meis loquens, quid sum nisi puluis & vermis ? Ibid. Ego quidem iussioni subiectus, &c. Epist. 6r. l. 2.The Emperours vnworthie seruant: presuming to speake vnto his Lord, when he knowes himselfe to bee but dust and a very worme: Hee professeth subiection vnto the Emperours commands, euen to the publishing of a certaine Law of the Emperours which in his iudgement somewhat iarred and iustled with Gods Law; as elsewhere I haue spoken more at large.

The L. Cardinall next bringeth vpon the stage Iustinian II.Examp. 4. Hee, being in some choller with Sergius Bishop of Rome, because hee would not fauour the erroneous Synode of Constantinople, would haue caused the Bishop to bee ap- prehended by his Constable Zacharias. But by the Romane Militia, (that is, the troupes which the Emperour then had in Italie) Zacharias was repulsed and hindered from his deseigne, euen with opproborius and reproachfull termes. His Lordship must haue my shallownesse excused, if I reach not his intent by this Allegation; wherein I see not one word of deposing from the Empire, or of any sentence pronounced by the Pope.

Heere are now 712. yeeres expired after the birth of Iesus Christ: in all which long tract of time, the L. Cardinal hath not light vpon any instance, which might make for his purpose with neuer so little shew: For the example of the Emperor PhilippicusExamp. 5.by the Cardinal alledged next in sequence, belongeth to the yeere 713. And thus lies the historie: This Emperour Philippicus Bardanes, was a professed enemie to the worshipping of Images, and commanded them to be broken in pieces. In that very time the Romane Empire was ouerthrowen in the West, and sore shaken by the Saracenes in the East. Besides those miseries, the Emperour was also incumbred with a ciuill and intestine warre. The greatest part of Italie was then seized by the Lombards, and the Emperour in Italie had nothing left saue onely the Exarchat of Rauenna, and the Dutchie of Rome, then halfe abandoned by reason of the Emperours want of forces. Pope Constantine gripes this occasion whereon to ground his greatnesse, and to shake off the yoke of the Emperour his Lord, Undertakes against Philippicus the cause of Images: by a Councel declares the Emperour Heretique: Prohibites his rescripts or coine to bee receiued, and to goe current in Rome: Forbids his Imperiall statue to bee set vp in the Temple, according to ancient custome: The tumult groweth to a height: The Pope is principall promoter of the tumult: In the heate of the tumult the Exarche of Rauenna loseth his life. Here see now the mutinie of a subiect against his Prince, to pull from him by force and violence a citie of his Empire. But who seeth in all this any sentence of deposition from the Imperiall dignitie ? Nay, the Pope then missed the cushion, and was disappointed vtterly of his pur- pose: The citie of Rome stood firme, and continued still in their obedience to the Emperour.

About some 12. yeeres after, the Emperour Leo Isauricus Examp. 6. (whom the Lord of Perron calleth Iconoclast) falles'to fight it out at sharpe, and to prosecute worshippers of Images with all extremitie. Vpon this occasion, Pope Gregory 2. then treading in the steps of his predecessor, when he perceiued the citie of Rome to be but weakely prouided of men or munition, and the Emperour to haue his hands full in other places, found such meanes to make the citie rise in rebellious armes against the Emperour, that he made himselfe in short time master thereof. Thus farre the Lord Cardinall, whereunto my answere for satisfaction is; that degrading an Emperour from his Imperiall dignitie, and reducing a citie to reuolt against her Master, that a man at last may carry the piece himselfe, and make himselfe Lord thereof, are two seuerall actions of speciall difference. If the free- hold of the citie had beene conueied to some other by the Pope depriuing the Emperour, as proprietarie thereof, this example might haue challenged some credit at least in shew: but so to inuade the citie to his owne vse, and so to seize on the right and authority of another, what is it but open rebellion, and notorious ambition ? For it is farre from Ecclesiasticall censure, when the spirituall Pastor of soules forsooth, pulles the cloake of a poore sinner from his backe by violence, or cuts his purse, and thereby appropriates an other mans goods to his priuate vse. It is to be obserued withall, that when the Emperours were not of sufficient strength, and Popes had power to beard and to braue Emperours, then these Papall practises were first set on foot. This Emperour notwithstanding, turned head and peckt againe: his Lieutenant entred Rome, and Gregorie 3. successor to this Gregorie 2. was glad to honour the same Emperour with style and title of his Lord: witnesse two seuerall Epistles of the said Gregorie 3.Dat. 10. Cal. Decem Imperante Dom. pijssimo Augusto Leone, a Deo coronato, magno Imp. anno decimo Imperij eius. Examp. 7. written to Boni- face, and subscribed in this forme: Dated the tenth Calends of December: In the raigne of our most pious and religious Lord, Augustus Leo, crowned of God, the great Emperour, in the tenth yeere of his raigne.

The L. Cardinall with no lesse abuse alleadgeth Pope Zacharie, by whom the French, as he affirmeth, were absolued of the oath of allegiance, wherein they stood bound to Childeric their King: And for this instance, he standeth vpon the testimonie of Paulus Aemilius, and du Tillet, a paire of late writers. But by authors more neere that aage wherin Childeric raigned, it is more trewly testified, that it was a free and voluntarie act of the French, onely asking the aduise of Pope Zacharie, but requiring neither leaue nor absolution. Ado Bishop of Vienna, in his Chronicles hath it after this manner: The French, following the Counsell of Embassadors, and of Pope, Zachary elected Pepin their King, and established him in the Kingdome. Trithemius in his abridgement of Annals, thus: Childeric, as one vnfit for gouernement, was turned out of his Kingdome, with common consent of the Estates and Peeres of the Realme, so aduised by Zacharie Pope of Rome, God- fridus of Viterbe in the 17. part of his Chronicle; and Guauguin in the life of Pepin, affirme the same. And was it not an easie matter to worke Pepin by counsell to lay hold on the Kingdome, when he could not be hindered from fastening on the Crowne, and had already seizd it in effect, howsoeuer he had not yet attained to the name of King ? Moreouer, the rudenesse of that Nation, then wanting knowledge and Schooles either of divinitie, or of Academicall sciences, was a kind of spurre to make them runne for counsell ouer the mountaines: which neuerthelesse in a cause of such nature, they required not as necessary, but onely as decent and for fashion sake. The Pope also for his part was well appaied, by this meanes to draw Pepin vnto his part; as one that stood in some neede of his aide against the Lombards; and the more, because his Lord the Emperour of Constantinople was then brought so low, that hee was not able to send him suf- ficient aide, for the defence of his territories against his enemies. But had Zacha- rie (to deale plainely) not stood vpon the respect of his owne commodity, more then vpon the regard of Gods feare; he would neuer haue giuen counsell vnto the seruant, vnder the pretended colour of his Masters dull spirit, so to turne rebell against his Master. The Lawes prouide Gardians, or ouerseers, for such as are not well in their wits; they neuer depriue and spoile them of their estate: they punish crimes, but not diseases and infirmities by nature. Yea, in France it is a very auncient custome, when the King is troubled in his wits to establish a Regent, who for the time of the Kings disability, may beare the burden of the Kingdomes affaires. So was the practise of that State in the case of Charles 6. when hee fell into a phrensie; whom the Pope notwithstanding his most grieuous and sharpe fits, neuer offered to degrade. And to be short, what reason, what equity will beare the children to be punished for the fathers debilitie ? Yet such punishment was laid vpon Childerics whole race and house; who by this practise were all disinherited of the Kingdome. But shall wee now take some view, of the L. Cardinals excuse for this exemplarie fact ? The cause of ChildericsPag. 25. de- posing, (as the L. Cardinall saith) did neerely concerne and touch Religion: For Childerics imbecillity brought all France into danger, to suffer a most wofull shipwracke of Christian religion, vpon the barbarous and hostile inuasion of the Saracens. Admit now this reason had beene of iust weight and value, yet con- sideration should haue beene taken, whether some one or other of that Royall stemme, and of the Kings owne successors neerest of blood, was not of better capacity to rule and mannage that mighty State. The feare of vncertaine and accidentall mischiefe, should not haue driuen them to flie vnto the certaine mis- chiefe of actuall and effectuall deposition. They should rather haue set before their eies the example of Charles Martel, this Pepins father; who in a farre more eminent danger, when the Saracens had already mastered, and subdued a great part of France, valiantly encountred, and withall defeated the Saracens; ruled the Kingdome vnder the title of Steward of the Kings house, the principall Officer of the Crowne; without affecting or aspiring to the Throne for all that great step of aduantage, especially when the Saracens were quite broken, and no longer dreadfull to the French Nation.

In our owne Scotland, the sway of the Kingdome was in the hand of Walles, during the time of Bruse his imprisonment in England, who then was lawfull heire to the Crowne. This Walles or Vallas had the whole power of the King- dome at his becke and command. His Edicts and ordinances to this day stand in full force. By the deadly hatred of Bruse his mortall enemie, it may be con- iectured, that he might haue bene prouoked and inflamed with desire to trusse the Kingdome in his tallants. And notwithstanding all these incitements, he neuer assumed or vsurped other title to himselfe, then of Gouernour or Adminis- tratour of the Kingdome. The reason: Hee had not beene brought vp in this new doctrine and late discipline, whereby the Church is endowed with power to giue and to take away Crownes. But now (as the L. Cardinall would beare the world in hand) the state of Kings is brought to a very dead lift. The Pope for- sooth must send his Physicians, to know by way of inspection or some other course of Art, whether the Kings braine be cract or sound: and in case there be found any debilitie of wit and reason in the King, then the Pope must remooue and translate the Crowne, from the weaker braine to a stronger: and for the acting of the stratageme, the name of Religion must be pretended. Ho, these Heretikes be- gin to crawle in the Kingdome: order must bee taken they bee not suffered by their multitudes and swarmes, like locusts or caterpillers to pester and poison the whole Realme. Or in a case of Matrimony, thus: Ho, marriage is a Sacra- ment: touch the Order of Matrimonie, and Religion is wounded. By this deuice not onely the Kings vices, but likewise his naturall diseases and infirmities are fetcht into the circle of Religion; and the L. Cardinall hath not done himselfe right, in restraining the Popes power to depose Kings, vnto the cases of Heresie, Apostasie, and persecution of the Church.

In the next place followeth Leo III. who by setting the Imperial Crowne vpon the head of Charles, absolued all the Subiects in the West, of their obedience to the Greeke Emperours, if the L. of Perron might bee credited in this Example. But indeed it is crowded among the rest by a slie trick, and cleane contrary to the naked trewth of all histories: For it shall neuer be iustified by good historie, that so much as one single person or man (I say not one Countrey, or one people) was then wrought or wonne by the Pope to change his copy and Lord, or from a subiect of the Greeke Emperours, to turne subiect vnto Charlemaine. Let me see but one Towne that Charlemaine recouered from the Greeke Emperours, by his right and title to his Empire in the West: No, the Greeke Emperours had taken their farewell of the West Empire long before: And therefore to nicke this vpon the tallie of Pope Leo his Acts, that he tooke away the West from the Greeke Emperour, it is euen as if one should say, that in this aage the Pope takes the Dukedome of Milan from the French Kings, or the citie of Rome from the Em- perours of Germanie, because their Predecessours in former aages had beene right Lords and gouernours of them both. It is one of the Popes ordinary and solemne practises to take away, much after the maner of his gluing. For as he giueth what he hath not in his right and power to giue, or bestoweth vpon others what is already their owne; euen so he taketh away from Kings and Emperors the possessions which they haue not in present hold and possession. After this maner he takes the West from the Greeke Emperors, when they hold nothing in the West, and lay no claime to any citie or towne of the West Empire. And what shall wee call this way of depriuation, but spoiling a naked man of his garments, and killing a man already dead ? Trew it is the Imperiall Crowne was then set on Charle- maines head by Leo the Pope: did Leo therefore giue him the Empire ? No more then a Bishop that crownes a King, at his Royall and solemne consecration, doeth giue him the Kingdome: For shall the Pope himselfe take the Popedome from the Bishop of Ostia as of his gift, because the crowning of the Pope is an Office of long time peculiar to the Ostian Bishop ? It was the custome of Emperours, to be crowned Kings of Italy by the hands of the Archbishop of Milan: did he therefore giue the Kingdome of Italy to the said Emperours ? And to returne vnto Charlemaine; If the Pope had conueyed the Empire to him by free and gracious donation, the Pope doubtlesse in the solemnitie of his coronation, would neuer haue perfourmed vnto his owne creature, an Emperour of his owne making the dueties of adoration, as Ado that liued in the same aage, hath left it on record: After the solemne prayses ended (saith Ado) the chiefe Bishop honoured him with adoration,Perfectis laudibus, à Pontifice more Principum antiquorum adoratus est. according to the custome of ancient Princes. The same is likewise put downe by Auentine,Auentinus Annalium Boiorum, lib. 4. in the 4. booke of his Annals of Bauaria. The like by the President Fauchet in his Antiquities: and by Monsieur Petau Counsellour in the Court of Parliament at Paris, in his Preface before the Chronicles of Eusebius, Hierome, and Sigebert.Posthaec ab eodem Pontifice vt caeteri veterum Principum, more maiorum adoratus est Magnus. Sigeb. ad an. 801.It was therefore the people of Rome, that called this Charles the Great vnto the Imperiall dignitie, and cast on him the title of Em- perour. So testifieth Sigebert vpon the yeere 801. All the Romanes with one generall voice and consent, ring out acclamations of Imperiall praises to the Emperour, they crowne him by the hands of Leo the Pope, they giue him the style of Caesar and Augustus. Marianus ScotusMarianus Scotus lib. 3. Annalium. hath as much in effect: Charles was then called Augustus by the Romanes. And so Platina:Plat. in vita Leon. 3. After the solemne seruice, Leo de- clareth and proclaimeth Charles Emperour, according to the publike Decree and gen- erall request of the people of Rome. Auentine,Auent. Annal. Boio. lib. 4. Imperium transferre iure suo in Germanos, Carolumque tacito Senatus consulto, plebiscitoque; decernunt. and Sigonius in his 4. booke of the Kingdome of Italie witnesse the same. Neuerthelesse, to gratifie the L. Cardinall; Suppose Pope Leo dispossessed the Greeke Emperours of the West Empire: What was the cause? what infamous acte had they done? what prophane and irreli- gious crime had they committed ? Nicephorus and Irene, who reigned in the Greeke Empire in Charlemaines time, were not reputed by the Pope, or taken for Here- tikes. How then ? The L. Cardinall helpeth at a pinch, and putteth vs in minde, that Constantine and Leo, predecessours to the said Emperours, had beene poysoned with Heresie, and stained with persecution. Here then behold an Or- thodoxe Prince deposed: For what cause ? for Heresie forsooth, not in himselfe, but in some of his Predecessors long before. An admirable case: For I am of a contrary minde, that he was worthy of double honour, in restoring and setting vp the trewth againe, which vnder his predecessors had endured oppression, and suffered persecution. Doubtlesse Pope Siluester was greatly ouerseene, and played not well the Pope, when hee winked at Constantine the Great, and cast him not downe from his Imperiall Throne, for the strange infidelitie and Pagan- isme of Diocletian, of Maximian, and Maxentius, whom Constantine succeeded in the Empire.

From this example the L. of Perron passeth to Fulke Archbishop of Reims:Exemp 9. pag. 21. by whom Charles the Simple was threatned with Excommunication, and refusing to continue any longer in the fidelity and allegiance of a subject. To what pur- pose is this example ? For who can be ignorant, that all aages haue brought forth turbulent and stirring spirits, men altogether forgetfull of respect and obseruance towards their Kings, especially when the world finds them shallow and simple- witted, like vnto this Prince ? But in this example, where is there so much as one word of the Pope, or the deposing of Kings ?

Here the L. Cardinall chops in the example of Philip I.Examp. 10. pag. 28. King of France but mangled, and strangely disguised, as hereafter shall be shewed.

At last he leadeth vs to Gregory VII.Exam. 11. An. 1076. surnamed Hildebrand, the scourge of Emperours, the firebrand of warre, the scorne of his aage. This Pope, after he had (in the spirit of pride, and in the very height of all audaciousnesse) thundred the sentence of excommunication and deposition, against the Emperour Henry IIII, after he had enterprised this act without all precedent example: after he had filled all Europe with blood: this Pope, I say, sunke downe vnder the weight of his affaires, and died as a fugitiue at Salerne, ouerwhelmed with discontent and sorrow of heart: Here lying at the point of giuing vp the ghoast, calling vnto him (as it is in Sigebert Sigeb. ad an. 1085.) a certaine Cardinall whom he much fauoured, He con- fesseth to God, and Saint Peter, and the whole Church, that he had beene greatly de- fectiue in the Pastorall charge committed to his care; and that by the Deuils instiga- tion, he had kindled the fire of Gods wrath and hatred against mankind: Then hee sent his Confessor to the Emperour, and to the whole Church to pray for his pardon, because hee perceiued that his life was at an end. Likewise Cardinall Benno that liued in the said Gregories time, doth testifie, That so soone as he was risen out of his Chaire to excommunicate the Emperour from his Cathedrall seate: by the will of God the said Cathedrall seate, new made of strong board or plancke, did cracke and cleaue into many pieces or parts; to manifest how great and terrible Schismes had beene sowen against the Church of Christ, by an excommunication of so dangerous consequence, pronounced by the man that had sit Iudge therein. Now to bring and alleadge the example of such a man, who by attempting an act which neuer any man had the heart or face to attempt before, hath condemned all his predecessors of cowardise, or at least of ignorance, what is it else, but euen to send vs to the schoole of mightie robbers, and to seeke to correct and reforme ancient vertues by late vices ? Which Otho Frisingensis Otho Frisingens. in vita Hen. 4. lib. 4. cap 31. calling into his owne priuate considera- tion, hee durst freely professe, that hee had not reade of any Emperour before this Henry the IIII. excommunicated or driuen out of his Imperiall Throne and King- dome by the chiefe Bishop of Rome. But if this quarrell may be tryed and fought out with weapons of examples, I leaue any indifferent reader to iudge what ex- amples ought in the cause to be of chiefest authority and weight; whether late examples of Kings deposed by Popes, for the most part neuer taking the intended effect; or auncient examples of Popes actually and effectually thrust out of their thrones by Emperours and Kings.

The Emperour Constantius expelled Liberius Bishop of Rome out of the citie: banished him as farre as Beroe, and placed Foelix in his roome.Theo. lib. 2. Hist. cap. 16. Indeed Con- stantius was an Arrian, and therein vsed no lesse impious then vniust proceeding, Neuerthelesse, the auncient Fathers of the Church, doe not blame Constantius for his hard and sharpe dealing with a chiefe Bishop, ouer whom hee had no law- full power, but onely as an enemie to the Orthodoxe faith, and one that raged with extreame rigour of persecution against innocent beleeuers.

In the raigne of Valentinian the I.Ammia. lib. 27.4 and yeare of the Lord 367. the contention betweene Damasus and Vrcisinus competitors for the Bishopricke, filled the citie of Rome with a bloody sedition, in which were wickedly and cruelly murdered 137. persons. To meet with such turbulent actions, Honorius made a law extant in the Decreetalls,Decret. dist. 79.5 the words whereof be these; If it shall happen henceforth by the temeritie of competitors, that any two Bishops be elected to the See, we straitly charge and command that neither of both shall sit in the said See. By vertue of this Law, the same Honorius in the yeare 420. expelled Bonifacius and Eulalius,Platina. Sigebertus. com- petitors and Antipopes out of Rome, though not long after he reuoked Bonifacius and setled him in the Papall See. Theodoric the Goth King of Italy, sent Iohn Bishop of Rome Embassador to the Emperour Iustinian, called him home againe, and clapt him vp in the close prison, where he starved to death. By the same King, Peter Bishop of Altine was dispatched to Rome, to heare the cause and examine the processe of Pope Symmachus, then indited and accused of sundry crimes.Anastatius. Platina. Lib. Pontifi. Diaconus.

King Theodatus about the yeare 537. had the seruice of Pope Agapetus, as his Embassadour to the Emperour Iustinian, vpon a treatie of peace. Agapetus dying in the time of that seruice, Syluerius is made Bishop by Theodatus. Not long after, Syluerius is driuen out by Belisarius the Emperour his Lieutenant, and sent into banishment. After Syluerius next succeedeth Vigilius, who with cur- rant coine purchased the Popedome of Belisarius. The Emperour Iustinian sends for Vigilius to Constantinpole, and receiues him there with great honour. Soone after, the Emperour takes offence at his freenesse in speaking his mind, commands him to bee beaten with stripes in manner to death, and with a roape about his necke to be drawne through the city like a thiefe, as Platina relates the historie. Nicephorus in his 26. booke, and 17. chapter, comes very neere the same relation.Platina. Baronius. Sigebertus.

The Emperour Constantius, in the yeere 654. caused Pope Martin to be bound with chaines, and banished him into Chersonesus, where he ended his life. The Popes in that aage writing to the Emperours, vsed none but submissiue tearmes, by way of most humble supplications; made profession of bowing the knee be- fore their sacred Maiesties, and of executing their commaunds with entire obedi- ence; payed to the Emperours twenty pound weight of gold for their Inuestiture; which tribute was afterward released and remitted, by Constantine the Bearded, to Pope Agatho, in the yeere 679. as I haue obserued in an other place.Iustin. Authent. 123. cap. 3.

Nay further, euen when the power and riches of the Popes was growne to great height, by the most profuse and immense munificence of Charlemayne and Lewis his sonne; the Emperours of the West did not relinquish and giue ouer the making and vnmaking of Popes, as they saw cause. Pope Adrian I. willingly submitted his necke to this yoke: and made this Law to be passed in a Councill, that in Charlemayne should rest a right and power for the Popes election, and for the gouernement of the Papall See. This Constitution is incerted in the De- cretals, Distinct. 63. Can.Note that in the same Dist. the Can. of Greg. 4. beginning with Cum Hadrianus 2. is false, and supposititious, because Gregorie 4. was Pope long before Hadr. 2. Hadrianus, and was confirmed by the practise of many yeeres.

In the yeere of the Lord 963. the Emperour Otho tooke away the Popedome from Iohn 13. and placed Leo 8. in his roume. In like maner, Iohn 14. Gregory 5. and Siluester 2. were seated in the Papall Throne by the Othos.

The Emperour Henrie 2. in the yeere 1007. deposed three Popes, namely, Bendict 9. Siluester 3. and Gregorie 6. whom Platina doeth not sticke to call, three most detestable and vile monsters.Tria teterrima monstra. This custome continued, this practise stood in force for diuers aages, euen vntill the times of Gregorie 7. by whom the whole West was tossed and turmoiled with lamentable warres, which plagued the world, and the Empire by name with intolerable troubles and mischiefes. For after the said Gregorian warres, the Empire fell from bad to worse, and so went on to decay, till Emperours at last were driuen to beg, and receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Pope.

The Kingdome of France met not with so rude entreatie, but was dealt withall by courses of a milder temper. Gregorie 4. about the yeere of the Lord, 832, was the first Pope that perswaded himselfe to vse the censure of Excommunication against a King of France. This Pope hauing a hand in the troublesome factions of the Realme, was nothing backward to side with the sonnes of Lewis surnamed the Courteous, by wicked conspiracie entring into a desperate course and complot against Lewis their owne father; as witnesseth Sigebert in these words, Pope Gregorie comming into France, ioyned himselfe to the sonnes against the Emperour their Father. But Annals Bochel. Decret. Eccles. Gallican. lib. 2. tit. 16. of the very same times, and hee that furbushed Aimo- nius, a Religious of S. Benedicts Order, doe testifie, that all the Bishops of France fell vpon this resolution; by no means to rest in the Popes pleasure, or to giue any place vnto his designe: and contrariwise, In case the Pope should proceed to Excommunication of their King, hee should returne out of France to Rome an ex- communicate person himselfe. The Chronicle of S. Denis hath words in this forme: The Lord Apostolicall returned answere, that hee was not come into France, for any other purpose, but onely to excommunicate the King and his Bishops, if they would bee in any sort opposite vnto the sonnes of Lewis, or disobedient vnto the will and pleasure of his Holinesse: The Prelates enformed heereof, made answere, that in this case they would neuer yeeld obedience to the Excommiuncation of the said Bishops; because it was contrary to the authoritie and aduise of the ancient Canons.

After these times, Pope Nicolas I. depriued King Lotharius of Communion (for in those times not a word of deposing) to make him repudiate or quit Val- drada, and to resume or take againe Thetherga his former wife. The Articles framed by the French vpon this point, are to bee found in the writing of Hincma- rus, Archibishop of Reims, and are of this purport; that in the iudgement of men both learned and wise, it is an ouerruled case, that as the King whatsoeuer hee shall doe, ought not by his owne Bishops to be excommunicated, euen so no for- reine Bishop hath power to sit for his Iudge: because the King is to be subject onely vnto God, and his Imperiall authoritie, who alone had the all-sufficient power to settle him in his Kingdome. Moreouer, the Clergie addressed letters of answere vnto the same Pope, full of stinging and bitter termes, with speaches of great scorne and contempt, as they are set downe by Auentine,Annal. Boio. lib. 4. in his Annals of Bauaria, not forbearing to call him thiefe, wolfe, and tyrant.

When Pope Hadrian tooke vpon him like a Lord, to command Charles the Bald vpon paine of interdiction, that hee should suffer the Kingdome of Lotharius to bee fully and entirely conueyed and conferred vpon Lewis his sonne; the same Hincmarus, a man of great authoritie and estimation in that aage, sent his letters conteining sundry remonstrances touching that subject: Among other matters thus he writeth, The Ecclesiastics and Seculars of the Kingdome assembled at Reims, haue affirmed and now doe affirme by way of reproach, vpbraiding, and ex- probation, that neuer was the like Mandate sent before from the See of Rome to any of our predecessours. And a little after: The chiefe Bishops of the Apostolike See, or any other Bishops of the greatest authoritie and holinesse, neuer withdrew them- selues from the presence, from the reuerend salutation, or from the conference of Emperours and Kings, whether Heretikes, or Schismatikes and Tyrants: as Con- stantius the Arrian, Iulianus the Apostata, and Maximus the Tyrant. And yet a little after; Wherefore if the Apostolike Lord bee minded to seeke peace, let him seeke it so, that he stirre no brawles, and breed no quarrels: For we are no such babes to beleeue, that we can or euer shall attaine to Gods Kingdome, unlesse wee receiue him for our King in earth, whom God himself recommendeth to vs from heauen. It is added by Hincmarus in the same place, that by the said Bishops and Lords Tem- porall, such threatning words were blowen forth, as hee is afraid once to speake and vtter. As for the King himselfe, what reckoning hee made of the Popes mandates, it appeareth by the Kings owne letters addressed to Pope Hadrianus, as we may reade euery where in the Epistles of Hincmarus. For there, after King Charles hath taxed and challenged the Pope of pride, and hit him in the teeth with a spirit of vsurpation, hee breaketh out into these words: What Hell hath cast vp this law so crosse and preposterous ? what infernal gulph hath disgorged this law out of the darkest and obscurest dennes ? a law quite contrary, and altogether repugnant vnto the beaten way shewed vs in the holy Scriptures, &c. Yea, he flatly and peremptorily forbids the Pope, except he meane or desire to be recompensed with dishonour and contempt, to send any more the like Mandates, either to himselfe, or to his Bishops.

Vnder the reigne of Hugo Capetus and Robert his sonne, a Councell now extant in all mens hands, was held and celebrated at Reims by the Kings authoritie. There Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans, then Prolocutor and Speaker of the Councel, calls the Pope Antichrist, and lets not also to paint him forth like a monster: as well for the deformed and vgly vices of that vnholy See, which then were in their exaltation, as also because the Pope then wonne with presents, and namely with certaine goodly horses, then presented to his Holinesse, tooke part against the King, with Arnulphus Bishop of Reims, then dispossessed of his Pastorall charge.

When Philip I. had repudiated his wife Bertha, daughter to the Earle of Hol- land; and in her place had also taken to wife Bertrade the wife of Fulco Earle of Aniou yet being aliue; hee was excommunicated, and his Kingdome interdicted by Vrbanus then Pope, (though he was then bearded with an Antipope) as the L. Cardinal here giueth vs to vnderstand. But his Lordship hath skipt ouer two principall points recorded in the historie. The first is, that Philip, was not de- posed by the Pope: whereupon it is to be inferred, that in this passage there is nothing materiall to make for the Popes power against a Kings Throne and Scep- ter. The other point is, that by the censures of the Pope, the course of obedience due to the King before was not interrupted, nor the King disauowed, refused, or disclaimed: but on the contrary, that Iuo of Charytres taking Pope Vrbanus part, was punished for his presumption, dispoyled of his estate, and kept in prison: whereof he makes complaint himselfe in his 19. and 20. Epistles. The L. Cardinall besides, in my vnderstanding for his Masters honour, should haue made no words of interdicting the whole Kingdome. For when the Pope, to giue a King chastise- ment, doeth interdict his Kingdome, hee makes the people to beare the punish- ment of the Kings offence: For during the time of interdiction, the Church doores through the whole Kingdome are kept continually shut and lockt vp: publike service is intermitted in all places: bels euery where silent: Sacraments not ad- ministred to the people: bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned, that none dares burie the said bodies in holy ground. More, it is beleeued, that a man dying vnder the curse of the interdict (without some speciall indulgence or priui- ledge) is for euer damned and adiudged to eternall punishments, as one that dyeth out of the communion of the Church. Put case then the interdict holdeth and continueth for many yeares together; alas, how many millions of poore soules are damned, and goe to hell for an others offence ? For what can, or what may the faltlesse and innocent people doe withall, if the King will repudiate his wife, and she yet liuing, ioyne himselfe in matrimonie to an other ?

The Lord Cardinall after Philip the I. produceth Philippus Augustus,Examp. 12. who hauing renounced his wife Ingeberga daughter to the King of Denmarke, and marrying with Agnes daughter to the Duke of Morauia, was by Pope Innocent the third interdicted himselfe and his whole Kingdome. But his Lordshippe was not pleased to insert withall, what is auerred in the Chronicle of Saint Denis: that Pope Caelestinus 3. sent forth two Legats at once vpon this errand: Bochel. pag. 320. Who being come into the assemblie and generall Council of all the French Prelats, became like dumbe dogs that can not barke, so as they could not bring the seruice which they had undertaken to any good passe, because they stood in a bodily feare of their owne hydes. Not long after, the Cardinall of Capua was in the like taking: For hee durst nor bring the Realme within the limits of the interdict, before hee was got out of the limits of the Kingdome. The King herewith incensed, thrust all the Prelates that had giuen consent vnto these proceedings out of their Sees, confiscated their goods, &c. To the same effect is that which wee reade in Matthew Paris. After the Pope had giuen his Maiestie to vnderstand by the Cardinal of Anagnia, that his kingdome should be interdicted, vnlesse he would be reconciled to the King of England; the King returned the Pope this answere, that he was not in any sort afraid of the Popes sentence, for as much as it could not be grounded vpon any equitie of the cause: and added withall, that it did no way appertaine vnto the Church of Rome to sentence Kings, especially the King of France. And this was done, saith Iohannes Tilius Register in Court of Parliament of Paris, by the counsell of the French Barons.

Most notable is the example of Philip the faire, and hits the bird in the right eye. In the yeere 1032. the Pope dispatched the Archbishop of Narbona with mandates into France, commanding the King to release the Bishop of Apamia then detained in prison, for contumelious words tending to the Kings defamation, and spoken to the Kings owne head. In very deed this Pope had conceiued a secret grudge, and no light displeasure against King Philip before: namely, be- cause the King had taken vpon him the collation of Benefices, and other Eccle- siastical dignities. Vpon which occasion the Pope sent letters to the King of this tenour and style: Feare God, and keepe his Commandements: Wee would haue thee know, that in Spirituall and Temporall causes thou art subiect vnto our selfe: that collating of Benefices and Prebends, doeth not in any sort appertaine to thy office and place: that, in case as keeper of the Spiritualties, thou haue the custodie of Benefices and Prebends in thy hand when they become voyd, thou shalt by sequestra- tion reserue the fruits of the same, to the vse and benefit of the next Incumbents and successors: and in case thou hast heretofore collated any, we ordaine the said colla- tions to be meerely void: and so farre as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact, we reuoke the said collations. We hold them for hereticks whosoeuer are not of this beliefe. A Legate comes to Paris, and brings these brauing letters: By some of the Kings faithfull seruants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the Legates hands: by the Earle of Artois they are cast into the fire. The good King answeres the Pope, and payes him in as good coyne as he had sent. Philip by the grace of God King of the French, to Boniface calling and bearing himselfe the Soueraigne Bishop, little greeting or none at all. May thy exceeding sottishnesse vnderstand, that in Temporall causes we are not subiect vnto any mortall and earthly creature: that collating of Benefices and Prebends, by Regall right appertaineth to our office and place: that appropriating their fruits when they become void, belongeth to our selfe alone during their vacancie: that all collations by vs heretofore made, or to bee made hereafter, shall stand in force: that in the validitie and vertue of the said collations, wee will euer couragiously defend and maintaine, all Incumbents and possessors of Benefices and Prebends so by vs collated. We hold them all for sots and senselesse, whosoeuer are not of this beliefe. The Pope incensed herewith, excom- municates the King: but no man dares publish that censure, or become bearer thereof. The King notwithstanding the said proceedings of the Pope, assembles his Prelates, Barons, and Knights at Paris: askes the whole assembly, of whom they hold their Fees, with al other the Temporalties of the Church. They make answere with one voice, that in the said matters they disclaime the Pope, and know none other Lord beside his Maiestie. Meane while the Pope worketh with Germainie and the Low Countreis, to stirre them vp against France. But Philip sendeth William of Nogaret into Italy. William by the direction and aide of Sciarra Columnensis, takes the Pope at Anagnia, mounts him vpon a leane ill- fauoured iade, caries him prisoner to Rome; where ouercome with choller, anguish and great indignation, he takes his last leaue of the Popedome and his life. All this notwithstanding, the King presently after, from the successours of Boniface receiues very ample and gratious Bulls, in which the memorie of all the former passages and actions is vtterly abolished. Witnesse the Epistle of Clement 5.Extrauag. Meruit. wherein this King is honoured with praises, for a pious and religious Prince, and his Kingdome is restored to the former estate. In that aage the French Nobilitie caried other maner of spirits, then the moderne and present Nobilitie doe: I meane those by whom the L. Cardinal was applauded and assisted in his Oration. Yea, in those former times the Prelates of the Realme stood better affected towards their King, then the L. Cardinal himselfe now standeth: who could finde none other way to daily with, and to shift off this pregnant example, but by plaine glosing, that heresie and Apostasie was no ground of that question, or subiect of that controuersie. Wherein hee not onely condemnes the Pope, as one that proceeded against Philip without a iust cause & good ground, but likewise giues the Pope the Lie, who in his goodly letters but a little aboue recited, hath enrowled Philip, in the list of heretiques. Hee saith moreouer, that indeed the knot of the question was touching the Popes pretence, in challenging to himselfe the temporall Soueraigntie of France, that is to say, in qualifying himselfe King of France: But indeed and indeed no such matter to be found. His whole pre- tence was the collating of Benefices, and to pearch aboue the King, to crow ouer his Crowne in Temporall causes. At which pretence his Holinesse yet aimeth, still attributing and challenging to himselfe plenarie power to depose the King. Now if the L. Cardinal shall yet proceed to cauill, that Boniface the eighth was taken by the French for an vsurper, and no lawfull Pope, but for one that crept into the Papacie by fraud and symonie; he must be pleased to set downe positiuely who was Pope, seeing that Boniface then sate not in the Papall chaire. To conclude, If hee that creepeth and stealeth into the Papacie by symonie, by canuases or labouring of suffrages vnder hand, or by bribery, be not lawfull Pope; I dare be bold to professe, there will hardly be found two lawfull Popes in the three last aages.

Pope Benedict in the yeere 1408. being in choller with Charles the sixt,See the treatise of Charles du Moulin contra paruas Datas, wherein he reporteth a notable Decree of the Court vnder Charles 6. be- cause Charles had bridled and curbed the gainefull exactions and extorsions of the Popes Court, by which the Realme of France had bene exhausted of their treasure, sent an excommunicatorie Bull into France, against Charles the King, and all his Princes. The Vnuiersitie of Paris made request or motion that his Bull might be mangled, and Pope Benedict himselfe, by some called Petrus de Luna, might be declared heretike, schismatike, and perturber of the peace. The said BullTheodoric. Niemens in nemore vnion. Tract. 6. & somnium viridarij. was mangled and rent in pieces, according to the petition of the Vniuersitie, by Decree of Court vpon the tenth of Iune, 1408. Tenne dayes after, the Court rising at eleuen in the morning, two Bul-bearers of the said excommunicatorie censure vnderwent ignominious punishment vpon the Palace or great Hal staires. From thence were led to the Louure in such maner as they had bene brought from thence before: drawne in two tumbrels, clad in coates of painted linnen, wore paper-mytres on their heads, were proclaimed with sound of Trumpet, and euery where disgraced with publike derision: So litle reckoning was made of the Popes thundering canons in those dayes. And what would they haue done, if the said Buls had imported sentence of deposition against King Charles?

The French Church assembled at Tours in the yeere 1510. decreed that Lewis XII. might with safe conscience contemne the abusiue Bulls, and vniust censures of Pope Iulius the II. and by armes might withstand the Popes vsurpations, in case hee should proceed to excommunicate or depose the King. More, by a Councill holden at Pisa, this Lewis declared the Pope to bee fallen from the Pope- dome, and coyned crownes with a stampe of this inscription, I will destroy the name of Babylon. To this the L. of Perron makes answere, that all this was done by the French, as acknowledging these iars to haue sprung not from the fountaine of Religion, but from passion of state. Wherein he condemneth Pope Iulius, for gluing so great scope vnto his publike censures, as to serue his ambition, and not rather to aduance Religion. He secretly teacheth vs besides, that when the Pope vndertakes to depose the King of France, then the French are to sit as Iudges concerning the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse of the cause; and in case they shall finde the cause to be vnlawfull, then to disanull his iudgements, and to scoffe at his thunderbolts. Iohn d'Albret King of Nauarre, whose Realme was giuen by the foresaid Pope to Ferdinand King of Arragon, was also wrapped and entangled with strict bands of deposition. Now if the French had bene touched with no better feeling of affection to their King, then the subiects of Nauarre were to the Nauarrois; doubtlesse France had sought a new Lord, by vertue of the Popes (as the L. Car- dinall himselfe doeth acknowledge and confesse) vniust sentence. But behold, to make the said sentence against Iohn d'Albret seeme the lesse contrary to equitie, the L. Cardinall pretends, the Popes donation was not indeed the principall cause,Pag. 51. howsoeuer Ferdinand himselfe made it his pretence. But his Lo. giues this for the principall cause: that Iohn d'Albret had quitted his alliance made with con- dition; that in case the Kings of Nauarre should infringe the said alliance, and breake the league, then the kingdome of Nauarre should returne to the Crowne of Arragon. This condition, betweene Kings neuer made, and without all shew of probabilitie, serueth to none other purpose from the Cardinals mouth, but onely to insinuate and worke a perswasion in his King, that he hath no right nor lawfull pretension to the Crowne of Nauarre: and whatsoeuer hee now holdeth in the said kingdome of Nauarre, is none of his owne, but by vsurpation and vn- lawfull possession. Thus his Lordship French-borne, makes himselfe an Aduo- cate for the Spanish King, against his owne King, and King of the French: who shalbe faine, as hee ought (if this Aduocats plea may take place) to draw his title and style of King of Nauarre out of his Royall titles, and to acknowledge that all the great endeuours of his predecessors to recouer the said Kingdome, were dis- honourable and vniust. Is it possible, that in the very heart and head Citie of France, a spirit and tongue so licentious can be brooked ? What, shall so great blasphemie (as it were) of the Kings freehold, bee powred foorth in so honourable an assembly, without punishment or fine ? What, without any contradiction for the Kings right, and on the Kings behalfe ? I may perhaps confesse the indignitie might bee the better borne, and the pretence alledged might passe for a poore excuse, if it serued his purpose neuer so little. For how doeth all this touch or come neere the question ? in which the Popes vsurpation in the deposing of Kings, and the resolution of the French in resisting this tyrannicall practise, is the proper issue of the cause: both which points are neuer a whit more of the lesse consequence and inportance, howsoeuer Ferdinand in his owne iustification stood vpon the foresaid pretence. Thus much is confessed, and wee aske no more: Pope Iulius tooke the Kingdome from the one, and gaue it vnto the other: the French thereupon resisted the Pope, and declared him to be fallen from the Papacie.

This noble spirit and courage of the French, in maintayning the dignitie and honour of their Kings Crownes, bred those ancient customes, which in the se- quence of many aages haue bene obserued and kept in vse. This for one: That no Legate of the Pope, nor any of his rescripts nor mandates,Pag. 26. Nisi de consensu Regis Christianissimi. are admitted and receiued in France, without licence from the King: and vnlesse the Legate impart his faculties to the Kings Atturney Generall, to be perused and verified in Court of Parliament: where they are to be tyed by certaine modifications and restrictions, vnto such points as are not derogatorie from the Kings right, from the liberties of the Church, and from the ordinances of the Kingdome. When Cardinal Balua,Bochellus. contrary to this ancient forme, entred France in the yeere 1484. and there without leaue of the King did execute the office, & speed certaine Acts of the Popes Legate; the Court vpon motion made by the Kings Atturney Generall, decreed a Commission, to be informed against him by two Councellors of the the said Court, and inhibited his further proceeding to vse any facultie or power of the Popes Legate, vpon paine of beeing proclamied rebell.

In the yeere 1561. Iohannes Tanquerellus Batchelour in Diuinitie, by order of the Court was condemned to make open confession, that hee had indiscreetly and rashlyIndiscretè ac inconsideratè. without consideration defended this proposition, The Pope is the Vicar of Christ, a Monarke that hath power both Spirituall and Secular, and he may depriue Princes, which rebell against his commandements, of their dignities. Which pro- position, howsoeuer he protested that he had propounded the same onely to be argued, and not iudicially to be determinedDoctrinaliter tantum & non iuridice. in the affirmatiue, Tanquerellus neuer- thelesse was compelled openly to recant. Here the L. Cardinall answeres; The historie of Tanquerellus is from the matter, because his proposition treateth neither of Heresie nor of Infidelitie: but I answere, The said proposition treateth of both, forasmuch as it maketh mention of disobedience to the Pope. For I suppose hee will not denie, that whosoeuer shall stand out in Heresie, contrary to the Popes monitorie proceedings, he shal shew but poore and simple obedience to the Pope. Moreouer, the case is cleare by the former examples, that no Pope will suffer his power to cast downe Kings, to be restrained vnto the cause of Heresie and Infidelitie.

In the heate of the last warres, raised by that holy-prophane League, admoni- tory Bulls were sent by Pope Gregorie 14. from Rome, Anno 1591. By these Bulls King Henrie 4. as an Heretike and relapse, was declared incapable of the Crowne of France, and his Kingdome was exposed to hauocke and spoile. The Court of Parliament being assembled at Tours the 5. of August, decreed the said admoni- torie Bulls to bee cancelled, torne in pieces, and cast into a great fire by the hand of the publike executioner. The Arrest it selfe or Decree is of this tenour: The Court duely pondering and approoying the concluding and unanswerable reasons of Kings Attorney Generall, hath declared, and by these present doeth declare, the ad- monitorie Bulls giuen at Rome the 1. of March 1591. to be of no validitie, abusiue, seditious, damnable, full of impietie and impostures, contrary to the holy decrees, rights, franchises, and liberties of the French Church: doeth ordeine the Copies of the said Bulls, sealed with the seale of Marsilius Landrianus, and signed Septilius Lamprius, to bee rent in pieces by the publike executioner, and by him to be burnt in a great fire to be made for such purpose, before the great gates of the common Hall or Palace, &c. Then, euen then the L. of Perron was firme for the better part, and stood for his King against Gregorie the Pope, notwithstanding the crime of heresie pretended against Henrie his Lord.

All the former examples by vs alledged, are drawen out of the times after Schooles of Diuinitie were established in France: For I thought good to bound my selfe within those dooles and limits of time, which the L. Cardinal himselfe hath set. Who goeth not sincerely to worke and in good earnest, where he telleth vs there be three instances (as if wee had no more) obiected against Papall power, to remooue Kings out of their chaires of State: by name, the example of Philip the Faire,Page 47. of Lewis XII. and of Tanquerellus: For in very trewth all the former examples by vs produced, are no lesse pregnant and euident, howsoeuer the L. Cardinall hath bene pleased to conceale them all for feare of hurting his cause.

Nay, France euen in the dayes of her sorest seruitude, was neuer vnfurnished of great Diuines, by whom this vsurped power of the Pope, ouer the Temporalties and Crownes of Kings, hath beene vtterly misliked and condemned. Robert Earle of Flanders was commanded by Pope Paschal Bibliotheca Patrum. Tom. 3.. to persecute with fire and sword the Clergie of Liege, who then adhered and stood to the cause of the Emperour Henrie 4. whom the Pope had ignominiously deposed. Robert by the Popes order and command, was to handle the Clergie of Liege in like sort as before hee had serued the Clergie of Cambray, who by the said Earle had beene cruelly stript both of goods and life: The Pope promised the said Earle and his army pardon of their sinnes for the said execution. The Clergie of Liege addressed answere to the Pope at large: They cried out vpon the Church of Rome, and called her Babylon: Told the Pope home, that God had commanded to giue vnto Caesar that which is Caesars: that euery soule must bee subiect vnto the superiour powers: that no man is exempted out of this precept: and that euery oath of alleagiance is to be kept inuiolable; yea, that hereof they themselues are not ignorant, in as much as they by a new Schisme, and new traditions, making a separation and rent of the Priesthood from the Kingdome, doe promise to absolue of periurie, such as haue perfidiously forsworne themselues against their King. And whereas by way of despight and in opprobrious maner, they were excom- municated by the Pope, they gaue his Holinesse to vnderstand, that Dauids heart had vttered a good matter, but Paschals heart had spewed vp sordid and railing words, like old bawdes and spinsters or websters of linnen, when they scold and brawle one with another. Finally, they reiected his Papal excommunication, as a sentence giuen without discretion. This was the voyce and free speach of that Clergie, in the life time of their noble Emperour: But after hee was thrust out of the Em- pire by the rebellion of his owne sonne, instigated and stirred vp thereunto by the Popes perswasion and practise, and was brought vnto a miserable death; it is no matter of wonder, that for the safegard of their life, the said Clergie were driuen to sue vnto the Pope for their pardon. Hildebert2 Bishop of Caenomanum vpon the riuer of Sartre, liuing vnder the reigne of King Philip the first, affirmeth in his Epistles 40. and 75. that Kings are to bee admonished and instructed, rather then punished: to be dealt with by counsell rather then by command, by doctrine and instruction, rather then by correction: For no such sword belongeth to the Church, because the sword of the Church is Ec- clesisticall discipline, and nothing else. BernardDe consider. lib. 1. cap. 6. writeth to Pope Eugenius after this manner: Whosoeuer they bee that are of this mind and opinion, shall neuer be able to make proofe, that anyone of the Apostles did euer sit in qualitie of Iudge or Diuider of lands. I reade where they haue stood to bee iudged, but neuer where they sate downe to giue iudgement. Againe, Your authoritie stretcheth vnto crimes, not vnto possessions: because you haue receiued the keies of the kingdome of heauen, not in regard of possessions, but of crimes, to keepe all that pleade by couin or collu- sion, and not lawfull possessors, out of the heauenly kingdome. A little after: These base things of the earth are iudged by the Kings and Princes of this world: wherefore doe you thrust your sickle into an others haruest? wherefore doe you incroach and intrude vpon an others limits? Elsewhere: The Apostles are directly forbid to make themselues Lords and rulers. Goe thou then, and beeing a Lord vsurpe Apostleship, or beeing an Apostle vsurpe Lordship. If thou needs wilt haue both, doubtlesse thou shalt haue neither.Lib. 2. cap. 6.

Iohannes Maior Doctor of Paris: Dist. 24. quest. 3. The Soueraugne Bishop hath no temporall authoritie ouer Kings. The reason: Because it followes (the contrarie being once granted) that Kings are the Popes vassals. Now let other men iudge, whether he that hath power to dispossesse Kings of all their Temporalties, hath not like- wise authoritie ouer their Temporalties.

The same Author:Comment in 1. 4. Sent. Dist. 24 fol. 214. The Pope hath no manner of title ouer the French or Spanish Kings in temporall matters. Where it is further added, That Pope Innocent 3. hath beene pleased to testifie, that Kings of France in Temporall causes doe acknowledge no superiour: For so the Pope excused himselfe to a certaine Lord of Montpellier, who in stead of suing to the King, had petitioned to the Pope for a dispensation for his bastard. But perhaps (as he speaketh) it will be alledged out of the glosse, that hee acknowledgeth no superiour by fact, and yet ought by right. But I tell you the glosse is an Aurelian glosse, which marres the text. Amongst other arguments, Maior brings this for one: This opinion ministreth matter vnto Popes, to take away an others Empire by force and violence: which the Pope shall neuer bring to passe, as we reade of Boniface 8. against Philip the Faire: Saith besides, That from hence proceede warres, in time of which many outragious mischiefes are done, and that Gerson calls them egregious flatterers by whom such opinion is main- tained. In the same place Maior denies that Childeric was deposed by Pope Zacharie: The word, Hee deposed, saith Maior, is not so to bee understood, as it is taken at the first blush or sight; but hee deposed, is thus expounded in the glosse, Hee gaue his consent vnto those by whom he was deposed.

Iohn of Paris: De potest. Regia & Papali cap. 10. Were it graunted that Christ was armed with Temporall power, yet he committed no such power to Peter. A little after: The power of Kings is the highest power vpon earth: in Temporall causes it hath no superiour power aboue it selfe, no more then the Pope hath in spirituall matters. This author saith indeede, the Pope hath power to excommunicate the King; but he speaketh not of any power in the Pope to put downe the King from his regall dignity and authority: He onely saith, When a Prince is once excommunicated, hee may accidentally or by occasion be deposed: because his precedent excommunication, incites the people to disarme him of all secular dignity and power. The same Iohn on the other side holdeth opinion; that in the Emperour there is inuested a power to de- pose the Pope, in case the Pope shall abuse his power.

AlmainusAlmain. de potest. Eccl.& Laica Quest. 2. cap. 8. Doctor of the Sorbonic schoole: It is essentiall in the Lay-power to inflict ciuill punishment, as death, banishment, and priuation or losse of goods. But according to diuine institution, the power Ecclesiasticall can lay no such punish- ment vpon delinquents: nay more, not lay in prison, as to some Doctors it seemeth probable: but stretcheth and reacheth onely to spirituall punishment, as namely to excommunication: all other punishments inflicted by the spirituall power, are meerely by the Lawe positiue.De dominio naturali ciuil & Eccl. 5. vlt. pars. If then Ecclesiasticall power by Gods Lawe hath no au- thoritie to depriue any priuate man of his goods; how dares the Pope and his flatterers build their power to depriue Kings of their scepters vpon the word of God ?

The same author in an other place:Quest. i. de potest. L. les. & laic. c. 12 & 14. Bee it graunted that Constantine had power to giue the Empire vnto the Pope; yet is it not hereupon to bee inferred, that Popes haue authority ouer the Kingdome of France, because that Kingdome was neuer subiect vnto Constantine: For the King of France neuer had any superiour in Tem- porall matters. A little after: It is not in any place to bee found, that God hath giuen the Pope power to make and vnmake Temporall Kings.

He maintaineth elsewhere,Quaest. 2. c. 8. & sic non deposuit autoritatiue. that Zacharie did not depose Childeric, but onely consented to his deposing; and so deposed him not as by authoritie. In the same booke,Qua. 3. c. 2. taking vp the words of Occam, whom he styles the Doctor: The Em- perour is the Popes Lord in things Temporall, and the Pope calls him Lord, as it is witnessed in the body of the Text.Quxest. II. can. Sacerd. The Lord Cardinall hath dissembled and con- cealed these words of Doctor Almainus, with many like places: and hath beene pleased to alledge Almainus reciting Occams authoritie, in stead of quoting Al- mainus himselfe in those passages, where he speaketh as out of his owne opinion, and in his owne words. A notable piece of slie and cunning conueiance: For what heresie may not be fathered and fastened vpon S. Augustine, or S. Hierome, if they should be deemed to approoue all the passages which they alledge out of other authors ? And that is the reason wherefore the L. Cardinall doeth not al- ledge his testimonies whole and perfect, as they are couched in their proper texts, but clipt and curtaild. Thus he dealeth euen in the first passage or testimonie of Almainus; he brings it in mangled and pared: he hides and conceales the words added by Almainus, to contradict and crosse the words going before: For Al- mainus makes this addition and supply; Howsoeuer some other Doctors doe stand for the negatiue, and teach the Pope hath power onely to declare that Kings and Princes are to be deposed. And so much appeareth by this reason; because this ample and Soueraigne power of the Pope, might giue him occasion to be puft vp with great pride, and the same fulnesse of power might prooue extremely hurtfull to the subiects, &c.

The same Almainus Quaest. 2. de potest. Eccl. & Laic. cap. 12. brings in Occams opinion in expresse tearmes deciding the question, and there ioynes his owne opinion with Occams. The Doctors opin- ion, saith Almainus, doeth simply carrie the most probabilitie; that a Pope hath no power, neither by excommunication, nor by any other meanes, to depose a Prince from his Imperiall and Royall dignitie. And a little before In cap. 9. 10. & 11. hauing maintained the Greeke Empire was neuer transported by the Pope to the Germaines, and that when the Pope crownes the Emperour, he doeth not giue him the Empire, no more then the Archbishop of Reims when he crownes the king of France, doth giue him the kingdome; he drawes this conclusion according to Occams opinion: I denie that an Emperour is bound by oath to promise the Pope allegiance. On the other side, if the Pope hold any Temporall possessions, hee is bound to sweare alle- giance vnto the Emperour, and to pay him tribute. The said Occam alledged by Almainus doeth further auerre, that Iustinian was acknowledged by the Pope for his superiour in Temporall causes: for as much as diuers Lawes which the Pope is bound to keepe and obserue, were enacted by Iustinian; as by name the Law of prescription for an hundred yeeres: which Law standeth yet in force against the Bishop of Rome. And to the end that all men may clearely see, how great distance there is betweene Occams opinion and the L. Cardinals, who to- wards the end of his Oration, exhorts his hearers at no hand to dissent from the Pope; take you here a view of Occams owne words, as they are alledged by Al- mainus: Quest. 1. cap. 14. The Doctor assoyles the arguments of Pope Innocent, by which the Pope would prooue out of these words of CHRIST, Whatsoeuer thou shalt binde, &c. that fulnesse of power in Temporall matters, belongeth to the Soueraigne Bishop: For Innocent saith, Whatsoeuer, excepteth nothing: But Occam assoyles Innocents authoritie, as not onely false, but also hereticall; and saith withall, that many things are spoken by Innocent, which by his leaue sauour and smell of heresie, &c.

The L. Cardinall Pag. 40. with lesse fidelitie alledgeth two places out of Thomas his Summe. The first, in the second of his second, Quest. 10. Art. 10. in the body of the Article; In which place (let it bee narrowly examined) Thomas will easily bee found to speake, not of the subiection of beleeuing Subiects vnder Infidel Kings, as the Lord Cardinall pretendeth, but of beleeuing seruants that liue vnder Mas- ters, whether Iewes or Infidels: As when a Iew keepeth seruants which professe Iesus Christ; or as when some of the faithfull kept in Caesars house; who are not considered by Thomas as they were subiects of the Empire, but as they were seruants of the family. The other place is taken out of Quest. 1. and 2. Art. in the body of the article: where no such matter as the L. Cardinal alledgeth can be found.

With like fidelitie he taketh Gerson in hand:Pag. 44. who indeed in his booke of Ec- clesiasticall power, and 12. Consider. doeth affirme, When the abuse of Secular power redoundeth to manifest impugning of the faith, and blaspheming of the Creator, then shall it not bee amisse to haue recourse vnto the last branch of this 12. Con- sider. where, in such case as aforesaid, a certaine regitiue, directiue, regulative, and ordainatiue authoritie is committed to the Ecclesiasticall power. His very words: which make no mention at all of deposing, or of any compulsiue power ouer Soueraigne Princes: For that forme of rule and gouernment whereof Gerson speaketh, is exercised by Ecclesiasticall censures and excommunications; not by losse of goods, of Kingdomes, or of Empires. This place then is wrested by the L. Cardinall to a contrary sense. Neither should his Lordship haue omitted, that Gerson, in the question of Kings subiection in Temporall matters, or of the dependance of their Crownes vpon the Popes power, excepteth alwayes the King of France: witnesse that which Gerson a little before the place alleadged by the Cardinall, hath plainely affirmed: Now since Peters time, saith Gerson, all Im- periall, Regall, and Secular power is not immediatly to draw vertue and strength from the Soueraigne Bishop: as in this maner the most Christian King of France hath no Superiour, nor acknowledgeth any such vpon the face of the earth. Now here need no great sharpenesse of wit for the searching out of this deepe mysterie; that if the Pope hath power to giue or take away Crowns for any cause or any pretended occasion whatsoeuer, the Crowne of France must needs depend vpon the Pope.

But for as much as we are now hit in with Gerson, we will examine the L. Cardi- nals allegations Pag. 108. 109. 119. where the Card. takes Char. 7. for Charl. 6. towards the end of his Oration, taken out of Gersons famous Oration made before Charles the 6. for the Vniuersitie of Paris: where he brings in Gerson to affirme, That killing a Tyrant is a sacrifice acceptable to God. But Gerson (let it be diligently noted) there speaketh not in his owne person: he there brings in sedition speaking the words: Of which wordes vttered by sedition, and other like speeches, you shall now heare what iudgement Gerson himselfe hath giuen. When sedition had spoken with such a furious voyce, I turned away my face as if I had bene smitten with death, to shew that I was not able to endure her madnesse any longer. And indeed when dissimulation on the one side, and sedition on the other, had suggested the deuises of two contrary extremes, hee brings foorth Discretion as a Iudge, keeping the meane betweene both extremes, and vttering those words which the L. Cardinall alledgeth against himselfe. If the head, (saith Gerson) or some other member of the ciuill body, should grow to so desperate a passe, that it would gulpe and swallow downe the deadly poyson of tyrannie; euery member in his place, with all power possible for him to raise by expedient meanes, and such as might preuent a greater inconuenience, should set himselfe against so madde a purpose, and so deadly practise: For if the head be grieued with some light paine; it is not fit for the hand to smite the head: no that were but afoolish and a mad part: Nor is the hand forthwith to chop off or separate the head from the body, but rather to cure the head with good speach and other meanes, like a skilfull and wise Physitian: Yea nothing would be more cruel or more voyd of reason, then to seeke to stop the strong and violent streame of tyrannie by sedition. These words, me thinke, doe make very strongly and expresly against butchering euen of Tyrannical Kings. And whereas a little after the said passage, he teacheth to expell Tyrannie, he hath not a word of expelling the Tyrant, but onely of breaking and shaking off the yoke of Tyrannie. Yet for all that, he would not haue the remedies for the repressing of Tyrannie, to be fetcht from the Pope, who presumeth to degrade Kings, but from Philosophers, Lawyers, Diuines, and personages of good conuersation. It appeareth now by all that hath bin said before, that whereas Gerson in the 7. Considerat. against Flatterers, doeth affirme: Whensoeuer the Prince doeth manifestly pursue and prosecute his naturall subiects, and shew himselfe obstinately bent with notorious iniustice, to vexe them of set purpose, and with full consent, so farre as to the fact; then this rule and law of Nature doeth take place, It is lawfull to resist and repell force by force; and the sentence of Seneca, There is no sacrifice more acceptable to God, then a tyrant offered in sacrifice; the words, doeth take place, are so to be vnderstood, as he speaketh in another passage, to wit, with or amongst seditious persons. Or else the words, doeth take place, doe onely signifie, is put in practise. And so Gerson there speaketh not as out of his owne iudgement.

His Lordship also should not haue balked and left out Sigebertus, who with more reason might haue passed for French, then Thomas and Occam, whom hee putteth vpon vs for French. Sigebertus in his Chronicle vpon the yeere 1088. speaking of the Emperours deposing by the Pope, hath words of this tenour: This Heresie was not crept out of the shell in those dayes, that his Priests, who hath said to the King Apostata, and maketh an hypocrite to rule for the sinnes of the people, should teach the people they owe no subiection vnto wicked Kings, nor any alleagiance, notwithstanding they haue taken the oath of alleagiance.

Now after the L. Cardinall hath coursed in this maner through the histories of the last aages (which in case they all made for his purpose, doe lacke the weight of authority) in stead of searching the will of God in the sacred Oracles of his word and standing vpon examples of the ancient Church; at last, leauing the troupe of his owne allegations, he betakes himselfe to the sharpening and rebating of the points of his aduersaries weapons.

For the purpose, he brings in his aduersaries, the champions of Kings Crownes, & makes them to speake out of his own mouth (for his Lordship saith it will be obiected) after this manner:Pag. 52. & sequentibus. It may come to passe, that Popes either caried with passion, or misled by sinister information, may without iust cause fasten vpon Kings the imputation of heresie or apostasie. Then for King-deposers he frames this answere: That by heresie they vnderstand notorious heresie, and formerly condemned by sentence of the Church. Moreouer, in case the Pope hath erred in the fact, it is the Clergies part adhering to their King, to make remonstrances vnto the Pope, and to require the cause may be referred to the iudgement of afull Councel, the French Church then and there being present. Now in this answere, the L. Cardinall is of another mind then Bellarmine his brother Cardinall: For hee goes thus farre,Aduers. Barclaium. That a Prince condemned by vniust sentence of the Pope, ought neuerthelesse to quit his Kingdome, and that his Pastors vniust sentence shall not redound to his detriment; prouided that hee giue way to the said sentence, and shew himselfe not refractarie, but stay the time in patience, vntil the holy Father shall renounce his error, and reuoke his foresaid vniust sentence. In which case these two material points are to be presupposed: The one, That he who now hath seized the kingdome of the Prince displaced, wil forthwith (if the Pope shall sollicit and intercede) returne the Kingdome to the hand of the late possessor: The other, That in the interim the Prince vniustly deposed, shall not need to feare the bloody murderers mercilesse blade and weapon. But on the other side, the Popes power of so large a size, as Bellarmine hath shaped, is no whit pleasing to the L. Cardi- nals eye. For in case the King should be vniustly deposed by the Pope not well informed, he is not of the minde the Kingdome should stoupe to the Popes behests, but will rather haue the Kingdome to deale by remonstrance, and to referre the cause unto the Council: Wherein he makes the Council to be of more absolute and supreme authority then the Pope; a straine to which the holy father will neuer lend his eare. And yet doubtlesse, the Council required in this case must be vniuersall; wherein the French, for so much as they stand firme for the King and his cause, can be no Iudges: and in that regard the L. Cardinal requireth onely the presence of the French Church. Who seeth not here into what pickle the French cause is brought by this meanes ? The Bishops of Italie forsooth, of Spaine, of Sicilie, of Germanie, the subiects of Soueraignes many times at pro- fessed or priuie enemitie with France, shall haue the cause compremitted and referred to their iudgement, whether the Kingdome of France shall driue out her Kings, and shall kindle the flames of seditious troubles, in the very heart and bowels of the Realme. But is it not possible, that a King may lacke the loue of his owne subiects, and they taking the vantage of that occasion, may put him to his trumps in his owne Kingdome ? Is it not possible, that calumniations whereby a credulous Pope hath beene seduced, may in like maner deceiue some part of a credulous people ? Is it not possible that one part of the people may cleaue to the Popes Faction, another may hold and stand out for the Kings rightfull cause, and ciuill warres may be kindled by the splene of these two sides ? Is it not possible, that his Holinesse will not rest in the remonstrances of the French, and will no further pursue his cause ? And whereas now a dayes a Generall Councill cannot be held, except it be called and assembled by the Popes authority; is it credible, the Pope will take order for the conuocation of a Council, by whom he shall be iudged ? And how can the Pope be President in a Councill, where himselfe is the party impleaded ? and to whom the sifting of his owne sentence is referred, as it were to Committies, to examine whether it was denounced according to Law, or against Iustice ? But in the meane time, whilest all these remonstrances and addresses of the Council are on foot; behold, the Royall Maiestie of the King hangeth as it were by loose gimmals, and must stay the iudgement of the Council to whom it is referred. Well: what if the Councill should happe to be two or three yeeres in assembling, and to continue or hold eighteene yeeres, like the Councill of Trent; should not poore France, I beseech you, be reduced to a very bad plight ? should she not be in a very wise and warme taking ? To be short; His Lordships whole speach for the vntying of this knot, not onely sur- mounteth possiblitie, but is stuft with ridiculous toyes. This I make manifest by his addition in the same passage. If the Pope deceiued in fact, shall rashly and vniustly declare the King to be an heretike; then the Popes declaration shall not be seconded with actual deposition, vnles the Realme shall consent vnto the Kings depos- ing. What needes any man to bee instructed in this doctrine ? Who doth not knowe, that a King, so long as he is vpheld and maintained in his Kingdome by his people, cannot actually and effectually be deposed from his Throne ? Hee that speaketh such language and phrase, in effect saith, and saith no more then this: A King is neuer depriued of his Crowne, so long as he can keepe his Crowne on his head: a King is neuer turned and stript naked, so long as he can keepe his cloathes on his backe: a King is neuer deposed, so long as he can make the stronger partie and side against his enemies: in briefe, a King is King, and shall still remaine King, so long as he can hold the possession of his Kingdome, and sit fast in his Chaire of Estate. Howbeit, let vs here by the way, take notice of these words vttered by his Lordship: Thatfor the deposing of a King, the consent of the people must be obtained: For by these words the people are exalted aboue the King, and are made the Iudges of the Kings deposing.

But here is yet a greater matter: For that Popes may erre in faith, it is ac- knowledged by Popes themselues:Can. Si Papa, Dist. 40. Nisi sit a fide deuius. For some of them haue condemned Pope Honorius for a Monothelite: S. Hierome, and S. Hilarius, and S. Athanasius doe testifie, that Pope Liberius started aside, and subscribed to Arrianisme: Pope Iohn 23. was condemned in the Councill of Constance, for maintaining there is neither hell not heauen: Diuerse other Popes haue been tainted with errour in faith. If therefore any Pope hereticall in himselfe, shall depose an Orthodoxe King for heresie; can it be imagined, that he which boasts himselfe to beare all diuine and humane lawes in the priuy coffer or casket of his breast,Omnia jura in scrinio pectoris. will stoope to the remonstrances of the French, and vayle to the reasons which they shall pro- pound, though neuer so justifiable, and of neuer so great validitie ? And how can he, that may be infected with damnable heresie (when himselfe is not alwayes free from heresie) be a iudge of heresie in a King ? In this question some are of opinion, that as a man, the Pope may fall into error, but not as Pope. Very good: I demand then vpon the matter, wherefore the Pope doth not instruct and re- forme the man ? or wherefore the man doth not require the Popes instructions ? But whether a King be deposed by that man the Pope, or by that Pope the man, is it not all one ? is he not deposed ? Others affirme, the Pope may erre in a ques- tion of the fact, but not in a question of the right. An egregious gullery and im- posture: For if he may be ignorant whether Iesus Christ died for our sinnes, doubtles he may also be to seeke, whether we should repose all our trust and assured confidence in the death of Christ. Consider with me the Prophets of olde: They were all inspired and taught of God, to admonish and reprooue the Kings of Iudah and Israel: they neither erred in matter of fact, nor in point of right: they were as farre from being blinded and fetcht ouer by deceitfull calum- niations, as from beeing seduced by the painted shew of corrupt and false doctrine: As they neuer trode awry in matter of faith: so they neuer whetted the edge of their tongue or style against the faultlesse. Had it not beene a trimme deuice in their times, to say, that as Esay and as Daniel they might haue sunke into heresie, but not as Prophets ? For doubtlesse in this case, that Esay would haue taken councell of the Prophet which was himselfe. To be short; If Kings are onely so long to be taken for Kings, vntill they shall be declared heretikes, and shall be deposed by the Pope; they continually stand in extreame danger, to vndergoe a very heauy and vniust sentence. Their safeth way were to know nothing, and to beleeue by proxie; least, if they should happen to talke of God, or to thinke of religion, they should be drawne for heretikes into the Popes Inquisition.

All the examples hitherto produced by the Lord Cardinall on a rowe, are of a latter date, they lacke weight, are drawne from the time of bondage, and make the Popes themselues witnesses in their owne cause: They descant not vpon the point of deposition, but onely strike out and sound the notes of excommunication and interdiction, which make nothing at all to the musicke of the question. And therefore hee telleth vs (in kindnesse as I take it) more oftentimes then once or twice, that hee speaketh onely of the fact; as one that doeth acknowledge him- selfe to bee out of the right: Hee relates things done, but neuer what should bee done: which, as the Iudicious know, is to teach nothing.

THE second Inconuenience like to grow, (as the Lord Cardinall seemeth to be halfe afraid) Pag. 86. if the Article of the third Estate might haue passed with approba- tion, is couched in these words: Lay-men shall by authoritie bee strengthened with power, to iudge in matters of Religion; as also to determine the doctrine comprised in the said Article to haue requisite conformitie with Gods word: yea they shall haue it in their hands to compell Ecclesiastics by necessitie, to sweare, preach, and teach the opinion of the one side, as also by Sermons and publike writings to impugne the other. This inconuenience he aggrauateth with swelling words, and breaketh out into these vehement exclamations: O reproach, O scandall, O gate set open to a world of heresies. He therefore laboureth both by reasons, and by authorities of holy Scripture, to make such vsurped power of Laics, a fowle, shameful, and odious practise. In the whole, his Lordship toyles himselfe in vaine, & maketh suppositions of castles in the aire. For in preferring this Article, the third Estate haue born themselues not as iudges or vmpires, but altogether as petitioners: re- questing the said Article might be received into the number of the Parliament bookes to bee presented vnto the King and his Counsell, vnto whom in all humili- tie they referred the iudgment of the said Article; conceiuing all good hope the Clergie and Nobilitie would be pleased to ioyne for the furtherance of their humble petition. They were not so ignorant of State-matters, or so vnmindfull of their owne places and charges, to beare themselues in hand, that a petition put vp and preferred by the third Estate, can carry the force of a Law or Statute, so long as the other two Orders withstand the same, and so long as the King himselfe holds backe his Royall consent. Besides, the said Article was not propounded as a point of Religious doctrine; but for euer after to remaine and continue a funda- mentall Law of the Common-wealth and State it selfe, the due care whereof was put into their handes, and committed to their trust. If the King had ratified the said Article with Royall consent, and had commanded the Clergie to put in execu- tion the contents thereof; it had bene their duetie to see the Kings will and pleasure fulfilled, as they are subiects bound to giue him aide in all things, which may any way serue to procure the safetie of his life, and the tranquilitie of his Kingdome: Which if the Clergie had performed to the vttermost of their power, they had not shewed obedience as vnderlings, vnto the third Estate, but vnto the King alone; by whom such command had bene imposed, vpon suggestion of his faithfull subiects, made the more watchfull by the negligence of the Clergie; whom they perceiue to be lincked with stricter bandes vnto the Pope, then they are vnto their King. Here then the Cardinall fights with meere shadowes, and mooues a doubt whereof his aduersaries haue not so much as once thought in a dreame: But yet, according to his great dexteritie and nimblenesse of spirit, by this deuice he cunningly takes vpon him to giue the King a lesson with more libertie; making semblance to direct his masked Oration to the Deputies of the people, when hee shooteth in effect, and pricketh at his King, the Princes also and Lords of his Counsell, whom the Cardinall compriseth vnder the name of Laics; whose iudgment (it is not vnlikely) was apprehended much better by the Clergie, then the iudgement of the third Estate. Now these are the men whom he tearmes intruders into other mens charges, and such as open a gate for I wot not how many legions of heresies, to rush into the Church: For if it be proper to the Clergie and their Head, to iudge in this cause of the Right of Kings; then the King himselfe, his Princes, and Nobilitie, are debarred and wiped of all iudgement in the same cause, no lesse then the representatiue body of the people.

Well then, the L. CardinallPag. 61. showres downe like haile sundry places and testimonies of Scripture, where the people are commanded to haue their Pastors in singular loue, and to beare them all respects of due obseruance. Be it so; yet are the said passages of Scripture no barre to the people, for their vigilant circum- spection, to preserue the life and Crowne of their Prince, against all the wicked enterprises of men stirred vp by the Clergie, who haue their Head out of the King- dome, and hold themselues to be none of the Kings subiects: a thing neuer spoken by the sacrificing Priests and Prelates, mentioned in the passages alleadged by the Lord Cardinal. He likewise produceth two Christian Emperours,Pag. 68. Constantine and Valentinian by name; the first refusing to meddle with iudgement in Episcopall causes: the other forbearing to iudge of subtile Questions in Diuinity, with protestation, that Hee would neuer bee so curious, to diue into the streames, or sound the bottome of so deepe matters. But who doth not know, that working and prouid- ing for the Kings indemnitie and safetie, is neither Episcopall cause, nor matter of curious and subtile inquisition ? The same answere meets with all the rest of the places produced by the L. Cardinal out of the Fathers. And that one for example, out of Gregory Nazianzenus,Orat. ad ciues timore perculsos. is not cited by the Cardinall with faire dealing. For Gregory doeth not boord the Emperour himselfe, but his Deputy or L. President, on this maner: For we also are in authoritie and place of a Ruler, we haue command aswell as your selfe:a)/rxomen ga\r kai\ au)toi\ wheras the L. Cardinal with foule play, turnes the place in these termes, We also are Emperours. Which words can beare no such inter- pretation, as well because he to whom the Bishop then spake, was not of Imperiall dignitie; as also because if the Bishop himselfe, a Bishop of so small a citie as Nazianzum, had qualified himselfe Emperour, hee should haue passed all the bounds of modestie, and had shewed himselfe arrogant aboue measure. For as touching subiection due to Christian Emperours, hee freely acknowledgeth a little before, that himselfe and his people are subiect vnto the superiour powers,u(potelei=s fo/rou. yea bound to pay them tribute. The historie of the same Gregories life doeth testifie, that he was drawen by the Arrians before the Consuls iudgement seate, and from thence returned acquitted, without either stripes or any other kinde of con- tumelious entreatie and vse: yet now at last vp starts a Prelate, who dares make this good Father vaunt himselfe to be an Emperour. It is willingly granted, that Emperours neuer challenged, neuer arrogated, to bee Soueraigne Iudges in con- trouersies of doctrine and faith; neuerthelesse it is clearer then the Sunnes light at high noone, that for moderation at Synods, for determinations and orders established in Councils, and for the discipline of the Church, they haue made a good and a full vse of their Imperiall authoritie. The first CouncilVide Canones Graecos a Tilio editos. held at Con- stantinople, beares this title or inscription; The dedication of the holy Synode to the most religious Emperour Theodosius the Great, to whose will and pleasure they haue submitted these Canons by them addressed and established in Councill. And there they also beseech the Emperour, to confirme and approue the said Canons. The like hath bene done by the Council of Trullo, by whom the Canons of the fift and sixt Councils were put foorth and published. This was not done, because Em- perours tooke vpon them to bee infallible Iudges of doctrine; but onely that Emperours might see and iudge, whether Bishops (who feele the pricke of am- bition as other men doe) did propound nothing in their Conuocations and Con- sultations, but most of all in their Determinations, to vndermine the Emperours authoritie, to disturbe the tranquilitie of the Common-wealth, and to crosse the determinations of precedent Councils. Now to take the cognizance of such matters out of the Kings hand or power; what is it but euen to transforme the King into a standing Image, to wring and wrest him out of all care of himselfe and his Kingly Charge, yea to bring him downe to this basest condition, to be- come onely an executioner, and (which I scorne to speake) the vnhappy hangman of the Clergies will, without any further cognizance, not so much as of matters which most neerely touch himselfe, and his Royall estate ?

I grant it is for Diuinitie Scholes, to iudge how farre the power of the Keyes doth stretch: I grant againe, that Clerics both may, and ought also to display the colours and ensignes of their censures against Princes, who violating their publike and solemne oath, doe raise and make open warre against Iesus Christ: I grant yet againe, that in this case they need not admit Laics to be of their coun- sell, nor allow them any scope or libertie of iudgement. Yet all this makes no barre to Clerics, for extending the power of their keyes, many times a whole degree further then they ought; and when they are pleased, to make vse of their said power, to depriue the people of their goods, or the Prince of his Crowne: all this doeth not hinder Prince or people from taking care for the preseruation of their owne rights and estates, nor from requiring Clerics to shew their cards, and produce their Charts, and to make demonstration by Scripture, that such power as they assume and challenge, is giuen them from God. For to leaue the Pope absolute Iudge in the same cause, wherein hee is a partie, and (which is the strongest rampier and bulwarke, yea the most glorious and eminent point of his domination) to arme him with power to vnhorse Kings out of their seates; what is it else but euen to draw them into a state of despaire for euer winning the day, or preuailing in their honourable and rightful cause ?

It is moreouer granted, if a King shall command any thing directly contrary to Gods word, and tending to the subuerting of the Church; that Clerics in this case ought not onely to dispense with subiects for their obedience, but also ex- presly to forbid their obedience: For it is alwayes better to obey God then man. Howbeit in all other matters, whereby the glory and maiestie of God is not impeached or impaired, it is the duety of Clerics to plie the people with wholesome exhortation to constant obedience, and to auert by earnest disswasions the said people from tumultuous reuolt and seditious insurrection. This practise vnder the Pagan Emperours, was held and followed by the ancient Christians; by whose godly zeale and patience in bearing the yoke, the Church in times past grew and flourished in her happy and plentifull increase, farre greater then Poperie shall euer purchase and attaine vnto by all her cunning deuices and sleights: as namely by degrading of Kings, by interdicting of Kingdoms, by apposted murders, and by Diabolicall traines of Gunne-powder-mines.

The places of Scripture alleadged in order by the Cardinal, in fauour of those that stand for the Popes claime of power and authoritie to depose Kings, are cited with no more sincerity then the former: They alledge (these are his words) that Samuel deposed King Saul, or declared him to bee deposed, because hee had violated the Lawes of the Iewes Religion: Pag 66. His Lordship auoucheth elsewere, that Saul was deposed, because he had sought prophanely to vsurpe the holy Priest- hood. Both false and contrary to the tenour of trewth in the sacred history: For Saul was neuer deposed according to the sense of the word (I meane, depose) in the present question; to wit, as deposing is taken for despoiling the King of his royall dignitie, and reducing the King to the condition of a priuate person: But Saul 1. Sam. 23. 20. & 24. 15. & 2. Sam. 2. 5. held the title of King, and continued in possession of his Kingdome, euen to his dying day. Yea, the Scripture styles him King, euen to the periodicall and last day of his life, by the testimony of Dauid himselfe, who both by Gods promise, and by precedent vnction, was then heire apparant as it were to the Crown, in a maner then ready to gird and adorne the temples of his head. For if Samuel, by Gods commandement, had then actually remooued Saul from his Throne, doubt- lesse the whole Church of Israel had committed a grosse errour, in taking and honouring Saul for their King, after such deposition: doubtlesse the Prophet Samuel himselfe, making knowen the Lords Ordinance vnto the people, would haue enioyned them by strict prohibition to call him no longer the King of Israel: Doubtlesse, Dauid would neuer haue held his hand from the throat of Saul, for this respect and consideration, because he was the Lords Anointed.1. Sam. 26. 11. For if Saul had lost his Kingly authority, from that instant when Samuel gaue him knowl- edge of his reiection; then Dauid, lest otherwise the Body of the Kingdome should want a Royall Head, was to beginne his Reigne, and to beare the Royall scepter in the very same instant: which were to charge the holy Scriptures with vntrewth, in as much as the sacred historie begins the computation of the yeeres of Dauids Reigne, from the day of Sauls death. Trew it is, that in the I. Sam. cap. 15. Saul was denounced by Gods owne sentence, a man reiected, and as it were excommunicated out of the Kingdome, that hee should not rule and reigne any longer as King ouer Israel; neuerthelesse, the said sentence was not put in execution, before the day when God, executing vpon Saul an exemplarie iudge- ment, did strike him with death. From whence it is manifest and cleare, that when Dauid was annointed King by Samuel, that action was onely a promise,1. Sam. 16. 23. and a testimony of the choice, which God had made of Dauid for succession immediately after Saul; and not a present establishment, inuestment, or install- ment of Dauid in the Kingdome. Wee reade the like in I. King. cap. 19. where God commandeth Elias the Prophet, to annoint Hasael King of Syria: For can any man bee so blinde and ignorant in the sacred historie, to beleeue the Prophets of Israel established, or sacred the Kings of Syria ? For this cause, when Dauid was actually established in the Kingdome, hee was annointed the second time.2. Sam. 2. 4.

In the next place he brings in the Popes champions vsing these words; 1. King. 12. Rehoboam was deposed by Ahiah the Prophet, from his Royall right ouer the tenne Tribes of Israel, because his father Salomon had played the Apostata, in falling from the Law of God. This I say also is more, then the trewth of the sacred history doeth afoard: For Ahiah neuer spake to Rehoboam (for ought we reade,) nor brought vnto him any message from the Lord; As for the passagequoted by the L. Cardinal out of 3. Reg. chap. 11 . it hath not reference to the time of Rehoboams raigne, but rather indeed to Salomons time: nor doeth it carry the face of a iudicatorie sentence for the Kings deposing, but rather of a Propheticall predic- tion: For how could Rehoboam, before hee was made King, be depriued of the Kingdome ? Last of all, but worst of all; to alleadge this passage for an example of a iust sentence in matter of deposing a King, is to approoue the disloyall treacherie of a seruant against his master, and the rebellion of Ieroboam branded in Scripture with a marke of perpetuall infamie for his wickednesse and impietie.

He goes on with an other example of no more trewth;1. King. 19. King Achab was deposed by Elias the Prophet, because he imbraced false religion, and worshipped false gods. False too like the former; King Achab lost his crowne and his life both together. The Scripture, that speaketh not according to mans fancie, but according to the trewth, doeth extend and number the yeeres of Achabs raigne, to the time of his death. Predictions of a Kings ruine, are no sentences of deposition. Elias neuer gaue the subiects of Achab absolution from their oath of obedience; neuer gaue them the least inckling of any such absolution; neuer set vp, or placed any other King in Achabs throne.

That of the L. Cardinall Pag. 68. a little after, is no lesse vntrew: That King Vzziah was driuenfrom the conuersation of the people by Azarias the Priest, and thereby the administration of his Kingdome was left no longer in his power. Not so: For when God had smitten Vzziah with leprosie in his forehead, he withdrew himselfe,2. Chro. 26. or went out into an house apart, for feare of infecting such as were whole by his con- tagious disease. The high Priest smote him not with any sentence of deposition, or denounced him suspended from the administration of his Kingdome. No: the dayes of his raigne are numbred in Scripture, to the day of his death. And whereas the Priest, according to the Law in the 13. of Leuit. iudged the King to be vncleane; he gaue sentence against him, not as against a criminal person, and thereby within the compasse of deposition; but as against a diseased body: For the Law inflicteth punishments, not vpon diseases, but vpon crimes. Hereupon, whereas it is recorded by Iosephus Antiq. 1. 9. cap. 11. in his Antiquities, that Vzziah led a priuate, and in a maner, a solitarie life; the said author doeth not meane, that Vzziah was deposed, but onely that he disburdened himselfe of care to mannage the publique affaires.

The example of Mattathias,Pag. 69. by whom the Iewes were stirred vp to rebel against Antiochus, is no better worth: For in that example we finde no sentence of deposition, but onely an heartning and commotion of a people then grieuously afflicted and oppressed. He that makes himselfe the ringleader of conspiracie against a King, doeth not foorthwith assume the person, or take vp the office and charge of a Iudge, in forme of Law, and iuridically to depriue a King of his Regall rights, and Royall prerogatiues. Mattathias was chiefe of that conspiracie, not in qualitie of Priest, but of cheiftaine, or leader in warre and a man the best qualified of all the people. Things acted by the suddaine violence of the base vulgar, muste not stand for Lawes, nor yet for proofes and arguments of ordinarie power, such as the Pope challengeth to himselfe, and appropriateth to his triple-Crowne.

These be our solide answeres: we disclaime the light armour which the L. CardinallPage 67. is pleased to furnish vs withall, forsooth to recreate himselfe, in rebat- ing the points of such weapons, as hee hath vouchsafed to put into our hands. Now it wil be worth our labour to beate by his thrusts, fetch from the ordinary mission of the New Testament, from leprosie, stones, and locks of wooll: A leach no doubt of admirable skill, one that for subiecting the Crownes of Kings vnto the Pope, is able to extract arguments out of stones; yea, out of the leprosie, and the drie scab, onely forsooth because heresie is a kind of leprosie, and an heretike hath some affinitie with a leper. But may not his Quoniam, bee as fitly applyed to any contagious and inueterate vice of the minde beside heresie ? His warning- piece Page 66. therefore is discharged to purpose, whereby hee notifies that hee pretendeth to handle nothing with resolution: For indeed vpon so weake arguments, a resolution is but ill-fauouredly and weakely grounded.

His bulwarkes thus beaten downe, let vs now view the strength of our owne. First, he makes vs to fortifie on this maner: They that are for the negatiue, doe alleadge the authoritie of S. Paul; Let euery soule bee subiect vnto the higher powers: For whosoeuer resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And likewise that of S. Peter; Submit your selues, whether it be vnto the King, as vnto the superiour, or vnto gouernours, &c. Vpon these passages, and the like, they in ferre, that the obedience is due to Kings by the Law of God, and not dispensable by any Spirituall or Temporall authoritie.Page 69. Thus he brings vs in with our first weapon. But here the very chiefe sinew and strength of our argument, hee doeth wittingly balked and of purpose conceale: To wit; That all the Emperors of whom the said holy Apostles haue made any mention in their diuine Epistles, were professed enemies to CHRIST, Pagans, Infidels, fearefull and bloody Tyrants: to whom notwithstand- ing euery soule, and therefore the Bishop of Rome for one, is commanded to sub- mit himselfe, and to professe subiection. Thus much Chrysostome hath expresly taught in his Hom. 23. vpon the Epistle to the Romanes; The Apostle giues this commandement vnto all: euen to Priests also, and cloistered Monkes not onely to Secular: be thou an Apostle, an Euangelist, a Prophet, &.c. Besides, it is here worthy to be noted, that howsoeuer the Apostles rule is generall, and therefore bindeth all the faithfull in equall bands; yet is it particularly, directly, and of purpose addressed to the Church of Rome by S. Paul, as by one who in the spirit of an Apostle did foresee, that rebellion against Princes was to rise and spring from the citie of Rome. Now in case the Head of that Church by warrant of any priuiledge, contained in the most holy Register of Gods holy word, is exempted from the binding power of this generall precept or rule; did it not become his Lord- ship to shew by the booke, that it is a booke case, and to lay it foorth before that honourable assembly, who no doubt expected and waited to heare when it might fall from his learned lips ? But in stead of any such authenticall and canonicall confirmation, he flieth to a sleight shift, and with a cauill is bold to affirme the foundation, laid by those of our side, doeth no way touch the knot of the con- trouersie. Let vs heare him speake: It is not in controuersie, whether obedience be due to kings by Gods Law, so long as they are kings, or acknowledged for Kings, but our point controuerted, is whether by Gods Law it be required, that hee who hath bene once recognised and receiuedfor King by the body of Estates, can at any time be taken and reputed as no King, that is to say can doe no maner of acte whereby hee may loose his right, and so cease to be saluted King. This answere of the L. Cardinall is the rare deuise, euasion, and starting hole of the Iesuites: In whose eares of delicate and tender touch, King-killing soundeth very harsh; but forsooth to vn-king a King first, and then to giue him the stab, that is a point of iust and trew descant: For to kill a King, once vnking'd by deposition, is not killing of a King: For the present, I haue one of that Iesuiticall Order in prison, who hath face enough to speake this language of Ashdod, and to maintaine this doctrine of the Iesuites Colledges. The L. Cardinall harpes vpon the same string; He can like subiection and obedience to the King, whilest he sitteth King: but his Holinesse must haue all power, and giue order withall, to hoyst him out of his Royall Seat. I therefore now answer, that in very deed the former passages of S. Paul and S. Peter should come nothing neere the question, if the state of the question were such as he brings it, made and forged in his owne shop. But certes the states of the ques- tion is not, whether a King may doe some acte, by reason whereof hee may fall from his right, or may not any longer be acknowledged for King: For all our contention is, concerning the Popes power to vn-authorize Princes; whereas in the question framed and fitted by the L. Cardinal, not a word of the Pope. For were it granted and agreed on both sides, that a King by election might fal from his Kingdom, yet stil the knot of the question would hold, whether he can be dis- possessed of his Regal authoritie, by any power in the Pope, & whether the Pope hath such fulnes of power, to strip a King of those Royall robes, rights, and reuenewes of the Crowne, which were neuer giuen him by the Pope; as also by what authoritie of holy Scripture, the Pope is able to beare out himselfe in this power, and to make it good.

But here the L. Card.Page 71. stoutly saith in his owne defence by way of reioinder; As one text hath, Let euery soule be subiect vnto the higher powers; in like manner an other text hath, Obey your Prelates, and be subiect vnto your Pastors: for they watch ouer your soules, as men that shall giue an accompt for your soules. This reason is void of reason, and makes against himselfe: For may not Prelates be obeyed and honoured, without Kings be deposed ? If Prelates preach the doc- trine of the Gospell, will they in the pulpit stirre vp subiects to rebell against Kings ? Moreouer, whereas the vniuersall Church in these daies is diuided into so many discrepant parts, that now Prelates neither doe nor can draw all one way; is it not exceeding hard, keeping our obedience towards God, to honour them all at once with due obedience ? Nay; is not here offered vnto me a dart out of the L. Cardinals armorie, to cast at himselfe ? For as God chargeth all men with obedience to Kings, and yet from that commaundement of God, the L. Cardinall would not haue it inferred, that Kings haue power to degrade Ecclesiasticall Prelates: euen so God giueth charge to obey Prelates, yet doeth it not follow from hence, that Prelates haue power to depose Kings. These two degrees of obedience agree well together, and are each of them bounded with peculiar and proper limits.

But for so much as in this point, we haue on our side the whole auncient Church, which, albeit she liued and groned for many aages together vnder heathen Emperours, heretikes, and persecuters, did neuer so much as whisper a word about rebelling and falling from their Soueraigne Lords, and was neuer by any mortall creature freed from the oath of allegiance to the Emperour; the Cardinall is not vnwilling to graunt, that ancient Christians in those times were bound to performe such fidelity and allegiance, for as much as the Church (the Cardinall for shame durst not say the Pope) then had not absolued them of their oath. No doubt a pleasant dreame, or a merry conceit rather, to imagine the Bishop of Rome was armed with power to take away the Empire of the world from Nero, or Claudius, or Domitianus; to whom it was not knowen, whether the citie of Rome had any Bishop at all. Is it not a master-iest, of a straine most ridiculous, to pre- suppose the Grand-masters and absolute Lords of the whole world, had a sent so dull, that the were not able to smell out, and to nose things vnder their owne noses ? that they saw so little with other mens eies and their owne, that within their capitall citie, they could not spie that Soueraigne armed with ordinary and lawfull authority to degrade, and to turne them out of their renowned Empire ? Doubtlesse the said Emperours, vassals belike of the Popes Empire, are to be held excused for not acknowledging and honouring the Pope in quality of their Lord, as became his vassals; because they did not know there was any such power in the world, as aftertimes haue magnified and adored vnder the qualitie of Pope: For the Bishops of Rome in those times, were of no greater authoritie, power, and means, then some of the Bishops are in these daies within my Kingdomes.

But certes those Popes of that primitiue aage, thought it not expedient in the said times to draw their swords: they exercised their power in a more mild and soft kind of carriage toward those miserable Emperours, for three seuerall reasons alledged by the L. Cardinall.

The first: because the Bishops then durst not by their censures whet and prouoke those Emperours, for feare of plunging the Church in a Sea of persecu- tions. But if I be not cleane voide of common sense, this reason serueth to charge not onely the Bishops of Rome, but all the auncient professors of Christ besides, with deepe dissimulation and hypocrisie: For it is all one as if he had professed, that all their obedience to their Soueraignes, was but counterfeit, and extorted, or wrong out of them by force; that all the submissiue supplications of the auncient Fathers, the assured testimonies and pledges of their allegiance, humili- tie, and patience, were but certaine formes of disguised speech, proceeding not freely from the suggestions of fidelity, but faintly and fainedly, or at least from the strong twitches and violent conuulsions of feare. Whereupon it followes, that all their torments and punishments, euen to the death, are wrongfully hon- oured with the title, and crowned with the crowne of Martyrdome; because their patience proceeded not from their owne free choice and election, but was taught by the force of necessitie, as by compulsion: and whereas they had not mu- tinously and rebelliously risen in armes, to asswage the scorching heat and burn- ing flames of tyrannicall persecuters, it was not for want of will, but for lacke of power. Which false and forged imputation, the Fathers haue cleared themselues of in their writings. TertullianTert. Apol. cap. 37. Hesterni sumus & omnia vestra impleuimus. in his Apologet: All places are full of Christians, the cities, isles, castles, burroughs, armies, &c. If we that are so infinite a power, and multitude of men, had broken from you into some remote nooke or corner of the world, the cities no doubt had become naked and solitarie: there had beene a dreadfull and horrible silence ouer the face of the whole Empire: the great Emperours had beene driuen to seeke out new cities, and to discouer newe nations, ouer whom to beare Soueragine sway and rule; there had remained more enemies to the State, then subiects and friends. CyprianCypr. cont. Demetr. also against Demetrianus: None of vs all howsoeuer we are a people mighty and without number, haue made resistance against any of your vniust and wrongfull actions, executed with all violence; neither haue sought by rebel- lious armes, or by any other sinister practices, to crie quittance with you at any time for the righting of our selues. Certaine it is, that vnder Iulianus, the whole Em- pire in a manner professed the Christian Religion; yea, that his Leiftenants and great Commanders, as Iouinianus, and Valentinianus by name, professed Christ: Which two Princes not long after attained to the Imperiall dignitie, but might haue solicited the Pope sooner to degrade Iulianus from the Imperiall Throne. For say that Iulians whole army had renounced the Christian Religion: (as the L. Cardinall against all shew and appearance of trewth would beare vs in hand, and contrary to the generall voice of the said whole army, making this profession with one consent when Iulian was dead, Wee are all Christians:) yet Italie then persisting in the faith of Christ, and the army of Iulian then lying quartered in Persia, the vtmost limit of the Empire to the East,Socr. lib. 3. cap. 19. Theod, lib. 4. cap. 1. Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 1. the Bishop of Rome had fit opportunitie to draw the sword of his authoritie (if hee had then any such sword hanging at his Pontificall side) to make Iulian feele the sharpe edge of his weapon, and thereby to pull him downe from the stately pearch of the Romane Empire. I say moreouer, that by this generall and sudden profession of the whole Caesarian armie, Wee are all Christians, it is clearly testified, that if his armie or souldiers were then addicted to Paganisme, it was wrought by compulsion, and cleane con- trary to their setled perswasion before: and then it followes, that with greater patience they would haue borne the deposing of Iulian, then if hee had suffered them to vse the libertie of their conscience. To bee short in the matter; S. Augus- tine August. in Psal. 124. makes all whole, and by his testimony doeth euince, that Iulians armie per- seuered in the faith of Christ. The souldiers of Christ serued a Heathen Emperour: But when the cause of Christ was called in question, they acknowledged none but Christ in heauen: When the Emperour would haue them to serue, and to perfume his idols with frankincense, they gaue obedience to God, rather then to the Emperour. After which words, the very same words alleadged by the L. Cardinall Page 82. against himselfe doe follow; They did then distinguish betweene the Lord Eternal, and the Lord temporall: neuerthelesse, they were subiect vnto the Lord temporall, for the Lord Eternall. It was therefore to pay God his duetie of obedience, and not for feare to incense the Emperour, or to draw persecution vpon the Church (as the L. Cardinal would made vs beleeue) that Christians of the Primitiue Church, and Bishops by their censures, durst not anger and prouoke their Emperours. But his Lordship by his coloured pretences doeth manifestly prouoke and stirre vp the people to rebellion, so soone as they know their own strength to beare out a re- bellious practise: Whereupon it followes, that in case their conspiracie shall take no good effect, all the blame and fault must lie, not in their disloyalty and treason, but in the bad choice of their times for the best aduantage, and in the want of taking a trew sight of their owne weakenesse. Let stirring spirits be trained vp in such practicall precepts, let desperate wits be seasoned with such rules of dis- cipline; and what need we, or how can wee wonder they contriue Powder-con- spiracies, and practise the damnable art of parricides ?

After Iulian, his Lordship falles vpon Valentinian the younger, who maintain- ing Arrianisme with great and open violence, might haue bene deposed by the Christians from his Empire, and yet (say wee) they neuer dream'd of any such practise. Heere the L. CardinallPag. 82. maketh answere: The Christians mooued with respect vnto the fresh memory both of the brother and father, as also vnto the weake estate of the sonnes young yeeres, abstained from all counsels and courses of sharper effect and operation. To which answere I replie: these are but friuolous coniec- tures, deuised and framed to ticle his owne fancie: For had Valentinianus the younger beene the sonne of an Arrian, and had then also attained to threescore yeeres of aage, they would neuer haue borne themselues in other fashion then they did, towards their Emperour. Then the Cardinall goeth on: The people would not abandon the factious and seditious party, but were so firme or obstinate rather for the faction, that Valentinian for feare of the tumultuous vproares was constrained to giue way, and was threatened by the souldiers, that except hee would adhere vnto the Catholikes, they would yeeld him no assistance, nor stand for his partie. Now this answere of the L. Cardinall makes nothing to the purpose, concerning the Popes power to pull downe Kings from their stately nest. Let vs take notice of his proper consequence. Valentinian was afraid of the popu- lar tumult at Milan; the Pope therefore hath power to curbe Hereticall Kings by deposition. Now marke what distance is betweene Rome and Milan, what dif- ference betweene the people of Milan, and the Bishop of Rome; betweene a popular tumult, and a iudicatorie sentence; betweene fact and right, things done by the people or souldiers of Milan, and things to be done according to right and law by the Bishop of Rome; the same distance, the same difference (if not farre greater) is betweene the L. Cardinals antecedent and his consequent, betweene his reason, and the maine cause or argument which we haue in hand. The mad commotion of the people was not heere so much to bee regarded, as the sad in- struction of the Pastour, of their good and godly Pastour S. Ambrose, so farre from hartening the people of Milan to rebel, that being Bishop of Milan, he offered himself to suffer Martydome: If the Emperour abuse his Imperiall authority, (for so Theodoret hath recited his words) to tyrannize thereby, heere am I ready to suffer death. And what resistance he made against his L. Emperor, was onely by way of supplication in these termes; Wee beseech thee, 0 Augustus, as humble suppliants; we offer no resistance: we are not infeare, but weflie to supplication. Againe, If my patrimony be your marke, enter vpon my patrimony if my body I wil goe and meet my torments. Shall I be drag'd to prison or to death ? I will take delight in both. Item, in his Oration to Auxentius; I can afflict my soule with sorrow, I can lament, I can send forth grieuous groans: My weapons against either of both, souldiers or Goths, are teares: A Priest hath none other weapons of defence: I neither can resist, nor ought in any other maner to make resistance.Epist. lib. 5. Epist. 33. Epist. lib. 5.

Iustinian the Emperour in his old aage fell into the heresie of the Aphtharto- docites. Against Iustinian, though few they were that fauoured him in that heresie, the Bishop of Rome neuer darted with violence any sentence of excom- munication, interdiction, or deposition.

The Ostrogot Kings in Italie, the Visigot in Spaine, the Vandal in Africa were all addicted to the Arrian impietie, and some of them cruelly persecuted the trew professours. The Visigot and Vandall were no neighbours to Italie. The Pope thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes, if they had bene angred. The Pope for all that neuer had the humour to wrestle or iustle with any of the said Kings in the cause of deposing them from their Thrones. But espe- cially the times when the Vandals in Affricke, and the Goths in Italie by Belisarius and Narses, professours of the Orthodoxe Faith, were tyred with long warres, and at last were vtterly defeated in bloody battels, are to bee considered. Then were the times or neuer, for the Pope to vnsheath his weapons, and to vncase his ar- rowes of deposition; then were the times to draw them out of his quiuer, and to shoot at all such Arrian heads; then were the times by dispensations to release their subiects of their oathes, by that peremptorie meanes to aide and strengthen the Catholique cause: But in that aage the said weapons were not knowne to haue bene hammered in the Pontificall forge. Gregorie the I. made his boasts, that he was able to ruine the Lombards, (for many yeeres together sworne enemies to the Bishops of Rome) their state present, and the hope of all their future prosperitie. But he telleth vs, that by the feare of God before his eyes and in his heart, he was bridled and restrained from any such intent; as elsewhere we haue obserued:In Apol. pro iuram. fidel. His owne words lib. 7. Epist. 1. If I would haue medled with practis- ing and procuring the death of the Lombards, the whole nation of the Lombards at this day had bene robbed of their Kings, Dukes, Earles, they had bene reduced to the tearmes of extreame confusion. He might at least haue deposed their King, (if the credit of the L. Cardinals iudgement be currant) without polluting or stayning his owne conscience.

What can we tearme this assertion of the L. Cardinal, but open charging the most ancient Bishops of Rome with crueltie, when they would not succour the Church of CHRIST oppressed by tyrants, whose oppression they had power to represse by deposing the oppressors. Is it credible, that IESVS CHRIST hath giuen a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many aages, without any power to execute their Commission, or to make any vse thereof by practise ? Is it credible, that hee hath giuen them a sword to bee kept in the scabbard, without drawing once in a thousand yeeres ? Is it credible, that in the times when Popes were most deboshed, abandoning themselues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious courses, as is testified by their owne flatterers and best affected seruants; it is credible that in those times they began to vnderstand the vertue & strength of their Commission ? For if either feare or lacke of power, was the cause of holding their hands, and voluntarie binding of themselues to the Peace or good behauiour: wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced, who hath complained that he was hindered from executing the power that CHRIST had conferred vpon his Pontificall See ? Wherefore is not some one of the ancient and holy Fathers alledged, by whom the Pope hath bene aduised and exhorted to take courage, to stand vpon the vigor and sinewes of his Papall Office, to vnsheath and vncase his bolts of thunder against vngodly Princes, and grieuous enemies to the Church ? wherefore liuing vnder Christian and gracious Emperours, haue they not made knowne the reasons, why they were hindred from drawing the pretended sword; lest long custome of not vsing the sword so many aages, might make it so to rust in the scabbard, that when there should be occasion to vse the said sword, it could not be drawne at all; and lest so long custome of not vsing the same, should confirme prescription to their greater preiudice ? If weakenesse be a iust let, how is it come to passe, that Popes haue enterprised to depose Philip the Faire, Lewis the XII, and ELIZABETH my predecessor of happy memorie; (to let passe others) in whom experience hath well proued, how great inequalitie was betweene their strengths ? Yea, for the most part from thence grow most grieuous troubles and warres, which iustly recoile and light vpon his owne head; as happened to Gregorie the VII. and Boniface the VIII. This no doubt is the reason, wherefore the Pope neuer sets in (for feare of such inconueniences) to blast a King with lightning and thunder of deposition, but when hee perceiues the troubled waters of the Kingdome by some strong faction setled in his Estate; or when the King is confined and bordered by some Prince more potent, who thirsteth after the prey, and is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell. The King standing in such estate, is it not as easie for the Pope to pull him downe, as it is for a man with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall, when the groundsill is rotten, the studdes vnpind and nodding or bending towards the ground ? But if the King shall beare downe and breake the faction within the Realme; if hee shall get withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdome; then the holy Father presents him with pardons neuer sued for, neuer asked; and in a fathers indul- gence forsooth, giues him leaue still to hold the Kingdome, that hee was not able by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand, no more then the club of Her- cules out of his fist. How many worthy Princes, incensed by the Pope, to conspire against Soueraigne Lords their Masters, and by open rebellion to worke some change in their Estates, haue miscarried in the action, with losse of life, or honour, or both ? For example; Rodulphus Duke of Sueuia was eg'd on by the Pope, against Henry IIII. of that name Emperour. How many massacres, how many desolations of Cities and townes, how many bloody battels ensued thereupon ? Let histories bee searched, let iust accompts be taken, and besides sieges layde to Cities, it will appeare by trew computation, that Henry the IIII. and Frederic the first, fought aboue threescore battels, in defence of their owne right against enemies of the Empire, stirred vp to armes by the Pope of Rome. How much Christian blood was then spilt in these bloody battels, it passeth mans wit, penne, or tongue to expresse. And to giue a little touch vnto matters at home; doeth not his Holinesse vnderstand right well the weakenesse of Papists in my Kingdome ? Doeth not his Holinesse neuerthelesse animate my Papists to rebellion, and forbid my Papists to take the Oath of Allegiance ? Doeth not his Holinesse by this meanes draw (so much as in him lyeth) persecution vpon the backes of my Papists as vpon rebels, and expose their life as it were vpon the open stall, to be sold at a very easie price ? All these examples, either ioynt or seuerall, are manifest and euident proofes, that feare to draw mischiefe and persecution vpon the Church, hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperours and Kings, when- soeuer they conceiued any hope, by their fulminations to aduance their greatnesse.

Last of all; I referred the matter to the most possessed with preiudice, euen the very aduersaries, whether this doctrine, by which people are trained vp in subiection vnto Infidel or hereticall Kings, vntill the subiects be of sufficient strength to mate their Kings, to expell their Kings, and to depose them from their Kingdomes, doth not incense the Turkish Emperours and other Infidell Princes to roote outall the Christians that drawe in their yoke, as people that waite onely for a fit occasion to rebell, and to take themselues ingaged for obedience to their Lords, onely by constraint and seruile feare. Let vs therefore now conclude with Ozius,Apud Athan. in Epist. ad solitar. vitam agentes. in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian heretike: As hee that by secret practise or open violence would bereaue thee of thy Empire, should violate Gods ordinance: so bee thou touched with feare, least, by vsurping authoritie ouer Church matters, thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime. Where this holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinals excep- tion; to wit, the right of the Church alwaies excepted and saued, when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperours. Neither speaks the same holy Bishop of priuate persons alone, or men of some particular condition and calling; but hee setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees, neuer to impeach imperial Maiesties upon any pretext whatsoever.

As his Lordships first reason drawne from weakenesse is exceeding weake: so is thatwhich the L. CardinallPag. 77. takes vp in the next place: He tellethvs there is very great difference betweene Pagan Emperours, and Christian Princes: Pagan Emperours who neuer did homage to Christ, who neuer were by their subiects receiued, with condition to acknowledge perpetuall subiection vnto the Empire of Christ; who neuer were bound by oath and mutuall contract between Prince and subiect. Christian Princes who slide backe by Apostasie, degenerate by Arrianisme, or fall away by Mahometisme. Touching the latter of these two, (as his Lordshippe saith) If they shall as it were take an oath, and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed, and contrary to the condition vnder which they receiued the Scepter of their Fathers; if they withall shall turne persecutors of the Catholike re- ligion; touching these I say, the L. Cardinal holds, that without question they may bee remooued from their Kingdomes: He telleth vs not by whom, but euery where he meaneth by the Pope. Touching Kings deposed by the Pope vnder pretence of stupidity, as Childeric; or of matrimoniall causes, as Philip I. or for collating of benefices, as Philip the Faire; not one word: By that point he easily glideth, and shuffles it vp in silence, for feare of distasting the Pope on the one side, or his auditors on the other.

Now in alledging this reason, his Lordship makes all the world a witnes, that in deposing of Kings, the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie of the Church: For such Princes as neuer suckt other milke then that of Infidelitie and persecution of Religion, are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the Church, then if they had sucked of the Churches breasts. And as for the great- nesse of the sinne or offence, it seemes to me there is very little difference in the matter. For a Prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to IESUS Christ, is bound no lesse to such obedience, then if he had taken a solemne oath: As the sonne that rebelliously stands vp against his father, is in equall degree of sinne, whether he hath sworne or not sworne obedience to his father; because he is bound to such obedience, not by any voluntarie contract or couenant, but by the law of Nature. The commaundement of God to kisse the Sonne, whom the Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings, doeth equally bind all Kings, as well Pagans as Christians. On the other side, who denies, who doubts, that Constantius Emperour at his first steppe or entrance into the Empire, did not sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe, to keepe the rules and to maintaine the precepts of the Orthodox faith, or that he did not receiue his fathers Empire vpon such condition? This notwithstanding, the Bishop of Rome pulled not Constantius from his Imperiall throne, but Constantius remooued the Bishop of Rome from his Papall See. And were it so, that an oath taken by a King at his consecration, and after violated, is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an Apostate or hereticall Prince; then by good consequence the Pope may in like sort depose a King, who beeing neither dead in Apostasie, nor sicke of Heresie, doeth neglect onely the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects: For his oath taken at consecration importeth likewise, that he shall minister iustice to his people. A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinall, who dares prescribe new lawes to the Pope, and presumes to limit his fulnesse of power, within certaine meeres and head-lands, extending the Popes power only to the deposing of Christian Kings, when they turne Apostats forsaking the Catholike faith; and not such Princes as neuer breathed any thing but pure Paganisme, and neuer serued vnder the colours of Iesus Christ. Meanewhile his Lordship forgets, that King Attabaliba was deposed by the Pope from his King- dome of Peru, and the said Kingdome was conferred vpon the King of Spaine, though the said King of Peru never forsook his heathen superstition; and though the turning of him out of his terrestriall Kingdome was no way to conuert him vnto the faith of Christ. Yea his Lordship Pag. 77. a little after telleth vs himselfe, that Be the Turkes possession in the conquests that he maketh ouer Christians neuer so auncient, yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer, can he gaine so much as a thumbes breadth of prescription: that is to say, the Turke for all that is but a disseisor, one that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne, and by good right may be dispossessed of the same: whereas notwithstanding the Turkish Em- perours neuer fauoured nor sauoured Christianitie. Let vs runne ouer the ex- amples of Kings whom the Pope hath dared and presumed to depose; and hardly will any one be found, of whom it may be trewly auouched, that he hath taken an oath contrary to his oath of subiection to Iesus Christ, or that he hath wilfully cast himselfe into Apostaticall defection.

And certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration, it wil be found apparently false, that Kings of France haue bene receiued of their sub- iects at any time, with condition to serue IESVS CHRIST. They were actually Kings before they came forth to the solemnitie of their sacring, before they vsed any stipulation or promise to their subiects. For in hereditary kingdoms, (nothing more certaine, nothing more vncontrouleable) the Kings death in- stantly maketh liuery and seisin of the Royaltie, to his next successour. Nor is it materiall to replie, that a King succeeding by right of inheritance, takes an oath in the person of his predecessor. For euery oath is personall, proper to the person by whom it is taken: and to God no liuing creature can sweare, that his owne sonne or his heire shall proue an honest man. Well may the father, and with great solemnitie, promise that he will exhort his heire apparant with all his power and the best of his endeauours, to feare God and to practise piety. If the fathers oath be agreeable to the dueties of godlinesse, the sonne is bound thereby, whether he take an oath, or take none. On the other side, if the fathers oath come from the puddles of impietie, the sonne is bound thereby to goe the contrary way. If the fathers oath concerne things of indifferent nature, and such as by the variety or change of times, become either pernicious or impossible; then it is free for the Kings next successor and heire, prudently to fit and proportion his Lawes vnto the times present, and to the best benefit of the Common-wealth.

When I call these things to mind with some attention, I am out of all doubt, his Lordship is very much to seeke, in the right sense and nature of his Kings oath taken at his Coronation, to defend the Church, and to perseuere in the Catholike faith: For what is more vnlike and lesse credible then this conceit, that after Clouis had reigned 15. yeeres in the state of Paganisme, and then receiued holy Baptisme, he should become Christian vpon this condition, That in case hee should afterward reuolt from the Faith, it should then bee in the power of the Church, to turne him out of his Kingdome ? But had any such conditionall stipulation beene made by Clouis, in very good earnest and trewth; yet would hee neuer haue intended, that his deposing should bee the acte of the Romane Bishop, but rather of those (whether Peeres or people, or whole body of the State) by whom he had bene aduanced to the Kingdome. Let vs heare the trewth, and this is the trewth: It is farre from the customary vse in France, for their Kings to take any such oath, or to vse any such stipulation with their subiects. If any King or Prince wheresoeuer, doth vse an oath or solemne promise in these ex- presse termes, Let me lose my Kingdome, or my life, be that day my last both for life and reigne, when I shall first reuolt from the Christian Religion: By these words he calleth vpon God for vengeance, hee vseth imprecation against his owne head: but hee makes not his Crowne to stoupe by this meanes to any power in the Pope, or in the Church, or in the people.

And touching inscriptions vpon coynes, of which point his Lordship speaketh by the way; verely the nature of the money or coine (the stamping and minting whereof is one of the marks of the Prince his dignity and Soueraignty) is not changed by bearing the letters of Christ Name on the reuerse or on the front. Such characters of Christs Name, are aduertisements and instructions to the people, that in shewing and yeelding obedience vnto the King, they are obedient vnto the King, they are obedient vnto Christ; & those Princes likewise, who are so wel aduised, to haue the most sacred Names inscribed and printed in their coines, doe take and acknowledge Iesus Christ for supreme King of Kings. The said holy characters are no representation or profession, that any Kings Crowne dependeth vpon the Church, or can be taken away by the Pope. The L. Cardinal indeed so beareth vs in hand. But he inuerts the words of Iesus Christ, and wrings them out of the right ioynt: For Christ without all ambiguitie and circum- locution, by the image and inscription of the money, doeth directly and expressely prooue Caesar to bee free from subiection, and entirely Soueraigne. Now if such a supreme and Soueraigne Prince, at any time shall bandie and combine against God, and thereby shall become a rebellious and perfidious Prince; doubtless for such disloyaltie he shall deserue, that God would take from him all hope of life eternall: and yet hereby neither Pope nor people hath reason to bee puft vp, in their power to depriue him of his temporall Kingdome.

The L. Cardinall Page 76. saith besides; The champions of the Popes power to depose Kings, doe expound that commandement of S. Paul, whereby euery soule is made sub- iect vnto the superiour powers, to bee a prouisionall precept or caution accommodated to the times; and to stand in force, onely vntill the Church were growen in strength vn- to such a scantling, that it might be in the power of the faithfull, without shaking the pillars of Christian state, to stand in the breach, and cautelosly to prouide that none but Christian Princes might be receiued; according to the Law in Deut. Thou shalt make thee a King from among thy brethren. The reason whereupon they ground, is this: Because Paul saith, It is a shame for Christians to be iudged vnder vniust Infidels, in matters or businesse, which they had one against another: For which inconuenience, Iustinian after prouided by Law; when hee ordeined that no Infidel nor Heretike might be admitted to the administration of iustice in the Common-wealth.

In which words of the Cardinall, the word Receiued, is to bee obserued espe- cially and aboue the rest: For by chopping in that word, hee doeth nimbly and with a tricke of Legier demain, transforme or change the very state of the ques- tion. For the question or issue of the cause, is not about receiuing, establishing, or choosing a Prince; (as in those Nations where the Kingdome goes by election) but about doing homage to the Prince, when God hath setled him in the King- dome, and hath cast it vpon a Prince by hereditary succession: For that which is written, Thou shalt make thee a King, doeth no way concerne and touch the people of France in these dayes: because the making of their King hath not of long time been tyed to their election. The passage therefore in Deuter. makes nothing to the purpose; no more then doth Iustinians law: For it is our free and voluntary confession, that a Christian Prince is to haue speciall care of the Lawes, and to prouide that no vnbeleeuer be made Lord Chiefe-Iustice of the Land, that no Infidel be put in trust with administration of Iustice to the people. But here the issue doeth not direct vs to speake of Delegates, of subordinate Magistrates, and such as are in Commission from the Prince, but of the supreame Prince himselfe, the Soueraigne Magistrate ordained by nature, and confirmed by succession. Our question is, whether such a Prince can be vnthroned by the Pope, by whom he was not placed in the Throne; and whether the Pope can despoile such a Prince, of that Royaltie which was neuer giuen him by the Pope, vnder any pretended colour and imputation of heresie, of stupiditie, or infringing the priuiledges of Monaste- ries, or transgressing the Lawes and lines of holy Matrimonie.

Now that S. Pauls commandement which bindeth euery soule in the bands of subiection vnto the higher powers, is no precept giuen by way of prouiso, and onely to serue the times, but a standing and a perpetuall rule, it is hereby more than manifest. S. Paul hath grounded this commandement vpon certaine rea- sons, not onely constant and permanent by their proper nature, but likewise necessary for euery state, condition, and reuolution of the times. His reasons; Because all powers are ordained of God: because resisting of powers is resisting the ordinance of God: because the Magistrate beares the sword to execute iustice: because obedience and subiection to the Magistrate is necessary, not onely for feare of his wrath, or feare of punishment, but also for conscience sake. It is therefore a case grounded vpon conscience, it is not a Law deuised by humane wisedome; it is not fashionable to the qualities of the times. Apostolicall instructions for the right informing of maners, are not changeable according to times and seasons. To vse the L. Cardinals language, and to follow his fancie in the matter, is to make way for two pestiferous mischiefes: First, let it be free and lawfull for Christians, to hold the commanding rules of GOD for prouisionall cautions, and what followes ? Men are ledde into the broad way of impietie, and the whole Scripture is wiped of all authoritie. Then againe, for the other mischiefe: The glorious triumphes of most blessed Martyrs in their vnspeakable torments and sufferings, by the L. Car- dinals position shall bee iudged vnworthy to weare the title and Crowne of Mar- tyrdome. How so ? Because (according to his new fiction) they haue giuen place to the violence and furie of heathen Magistrates, not in obedience to the necessary and certaine Commandement of God, but rather to a prouisionall direction, ac- commodated to the humours of the times. And therfore the L. Cardinal hath vsed none other clay wherewith to dawbe ouer his deuise, but plaine falsification of holy Scripture: For he makes the Apostle say to the Corinthians, It is a shame for Christians to bee iudged vnder vnbeleeuing Magistrates; whereas in that whole context of Paul, there is no such matter. For when the Apostle saith, I speake it euen to your shame; pro\s e)ntroph\n de/gw. he doeth not say it is a shame for a beleeuer to be iudged vnder an Infidel, but he makes them ashamed of their vngodly course, and vn- christian practise, that in suing and impleading one another, they layd their actions of contention in the Courts of vnbeleeuing Iudges. The shame was not in bearing that yoke which God had charged their necks withall, but in deuouring and eating vp one an other with Writs of habeas corpus, and with other Processes; as also in vncouering the shame, in laying open the shamefull parts and prankes played by Christians, before Infidels, to the great scandall of the Church. Here I say the L. Cardinall is taken in a tricke of manifest falsification. If therefore a King when he falls to play the heretike, deserueth to be deposed; why should not a Cardinall when he falls to play the iuggler with holy Scripture, deserue to be disrobed ?

Meane while the indifferent Reader is to consider, how greatly this doctrine is preiudicial, and how full of danger, to Christians liuing vnder hereticall or Pagan Princes. For make it once knowne to the Emperour of Turkes, let him once get neuer so little a smacke of this doctrine; that Christians liuing vnder his Empire doe take Gods commandement, for obedience to Princes whom they count In- fidels, to be onely a prouisional precept for a time, and wait euery houre for all occasions to shake off the yoke of his bondage; doubtlesse he will neuer spare with all speed to roote the whole stocke, with all the armes and branches of Christians out of his dominions. Adde hereunto the L. Cardinals former determination; that possession kept neuer so long by the Turke in his Conquests ouer Christians, gaines him not by so long tract of time one inch of prescription; and it will appear, that his Lordship puts the Turkish Emperour in minde, and by his in- struction leades the said Emperour as it were by the hand, to haue no maner of affiance in his Christian subiects; and withall to afflict his poore Christians with all sorts of most grieuous and cruell torments. In this regard the poore Christians of Grecia and Syria, must needs be very little beholden to his Lordship. As for my selfe, and my Popish Subiects, to whom 1 am no lesse then an heretike for- sooth am not I by this doctrine of the Cardinall, pricked and whetted against my naturall inclination, to turne clemencie into rigour; seeing that by his doctrine my subiects are made to beleeue, they owe me subiection onely by way of prouiso, and with waiting the occasion to worke my vtter destruction and finall ruine; the rather, because Turkes, miscreants, and heretikes are marshalled by the Cardinall in the same ranke; and heretikes are counted worse, yea more iustly deposeable, then Turkes and Infidels, as irreligious breakers and violaters of their oath ? Who seeth not here how great indignitie is offered to me a Christian King, paral- leled with Infidels, reputed worse then a Turke, taken for an vsurper of my King- domes, reckoned a Prince, to whom subiects owe a forced obedience by way of prouision, vntill they shall haue meanes to shake off the yoke, and to bare my temples of the Crowne, which neuer can be pulled from the sacred Head, but with losse of the head it selfe ?

Touching the warres vndertaken by the French, English, and Germaines, in their expedition for Ierusalem, it appeares by the issue and euent of the said warres, that God approoued them not for honourable. That expedition was a deuise and inuention of the Pope, whereby he might come to be infeoffed in the Kingdomes of Christian Princes.. For then all such of the French, English, or Germaines, as vndertooke the Croisade, became the Popes meere vassals. Then all robbers by the high way side, adulterers, cutthroats, and base bankerupts, were exempted from the Secular and Ciuill power, their causes were sped in Con- sistorian Courts, so soone as they had gotten the Crosse on their cassocks or coat- armours, and had vowed to serue in the expedition for the Leuant. Then for the Popes pleasure and at his commaundement, whole countryes were emptied of their Nobles and common souldiers. Then they made long marches into the Leuant: For what purpose ? Onely to die vpon the points of the Saracens pikes, or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses, battle-axes, fauchions, and other weapons, without any benefit and aduantage to themselues or others. Then the Nobles were driuen to sell their goodly Mannors, and auncient demaines to the Church-men, at vnder prises and low rates; the very roote from which a great part of the Church and Church-mens reuenewes hath sprung and growne to so great height. Then, to be short, his most bountifull Holiness See the Bull of Innoc. 3. at the end of the Latter. Conc. gaue to any of the riffe-raffe-rank, that would vndertake this expedition into the Holy land, a free and full pardon for all his sinnes, besides a degree of glory aboue the vulgar in the Celestial Paradise. Military vertue, I confesse, is commendable and honourable; prouided it bee employed for iustice, and that generous noblenesse of valiant spirits bee not vnder a colour and shadow of piety, fetcht ouer with some casts or deuises of Italian cunning.

Now let vs obserue the wisedome of the Lord Cardinall through this whole discourse. His Lordship is pleased in his Oration, to cite certaine few passages of Scripture, culls and picks them out for the most gracefull in shewe: leues out of his whole troupes of honourable witnesses, vpon whose testimonie, the Popes themselues and their principall adherents doe build his power to depose Kings, and to giue order for all Temporall causes. Take a sight of their best and most honourable witnesses. Peter said to Christ, See here two swords; and Christ answered, It is sufficient. Christ said to Peter, Put vp thy sword into thy sheath. God said to Ieremie,Ier. 1. I haue established thee ouer Nations and Kingdomes. Paul1. Cor. 21. said to the Corinthians, The spirituall man discerneth all things. Christ said to his Apostles, Whatsoeuer yee shall loose vpon earth: by which words the Pope hath power forsooth to loose the oath of allegiance. Moses said, In the beginning God created the heauen and the earth. Vpon these passages, Pope Boniface 8. grapling and tugging with Philip the Faire, doth build his Temporall power.Extrauag. Vnam Sanctam. Other Popes and Papists auouch the like authorities. Christ said of himself, All things are giuen to me of my Father, and all power is giuen vnto me in heauen and in earth. The Deuils said, If thou cast vs out, send vs into this herd of swine. Christ said to his Disciples, Yee shall finde the colt of an asse bound, loose it and bring it vnto me. By these places the aduersaries prooue, that Christ disposed of Temporall matters; and inferre thereupon, why not Christs Vicar as well as Christ himselfe. The places and testimonies now following are very expresse: In stead of thy fathers shall be thy children: thou shalt make them Princes through all the earth.Psal. 45. Item, Iesus Christ not onely commaunded Peter to feed his lambs; but said also to Peter, Arise, kill, and eat:Ioh. 12 [21]. the pleasant glosse, the rare inuention of the L. Cardinall Baronius. Christ said to the people, If I were lift vpfrom the earth, I will draw all things vnto me. Who lets, what hinders this place from fitting the Pope ? Paul said to the Corinthians, Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels ? how much more then the things that pertaine vnto this life ? A little after, Haue not we power to eate ? These are the chiefe passages, on which as vpon maine arches, the roofe of Papall Monarchie, concerning Temporall causes, hath rested for three or foure aages past. And yet his Lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firme standing to beare vp the said roofe of Temporall Monarchie, for feare of making his auditors to burst with laughter. A wise part without question, if his Lordship hath not defiled his lips before, with a more ridiculous argument drawne from the leprosie and drie scab.

Let vs now by way of comparison behold Iesus Christ paying tribute vnto Caesar, and the Pope making Caesar to pay him tribute: Iesus Christ perswading the Iewes to pay tribute vnto an heathen Emperour, and the Pope dispending with subiects for their obedience to Christian Emperours: Iesus Christ refusing to arbitrate a controuersie of inheritance partable betweene two priuate parties, and the Pope thrusting in himselfe without warrant or Commission to bee absolute Iudge in the deposing of Kings: Iesus Christ professing that his Kingdome is not of this world, and the Pope establishing himselfe in a terrene Empire. In like manner the Apostles forsaking all their goods to followe Christ, and the Pope robbing Christians of their goods; the Apostles persecuted by Pagan Emperours, and the Pope now setting his foote on the very throate of Christian Emperours, then proudly treading Imperiall Crownes vnder his feete. By this comparison, the L. Cardinalls allegation of Scripture in fauour of his Master the Pope, is but a kind of puppet-play, to make Iesus Christ a mocking stocke, rather then to satisfie his auditors with any sound precepts and wholesome instructions. Hereof he seemeth to giue some inckling himselfe: For after he hath beene plentifull in citing authorities of Scripture, and of newe Doctors, which make for the Popes power to depose Kings; at last he comes in with a faire and open confession,Pag. 85. that neither by diuine Oracles, nor by honourable antiquitie, this controuersie hath beene yet determined: and so pulls downe in a word with one hand, the frame of worke that he had built and set vp before with an other; discouering withall, the reluctation and priuie checkes of his owne conscience.

There yet remaineth one obiection, the knot whereof the L. Cardinall in a maner sweateth to vntie. His words be these:Page 84. The champions for the negatiue flie to the analogie of other proceedings and practises in the Church: They affirme that priuate persons, masters or owners of goods and possesions among the common people, are not depriued of their goods for Heresie; and consequently that Princes much more should not for the same crime bee depriued of their estates. For answere to this reason, he brings in the defendants of deposition, speaking after this maner; In the Kingdome of France the strict execution of lawes decreed in Court against Here- tikes, is fauourably suspended and stopped, for the preseruation of peace and publike tranquilitie. He saith elsewhere; Conniuence is vsed towards these Heretikes in regard of their multitude, because a notable part of the French Nation and State is made all of Heretikes. I suppose that out of speciall charitie, he would haue those Here- tikes of his owne making, forewarned what courteous vse and entreaty they are to expect; when he affirmeth that execution of the lawes is but suspended: For indeed suspensions hold but for a time. But in a cause of that nature and impor- tance, I dare promise my selfe, that my most honoured brother the King of France, will make vse of other counsell: will rather seeke the amitie of his neighbour Princes, and the peace of his Kingdome: will beare in mind the great and faithfull seruice of those, who in matter of religion dissent from his Maiestie, as of the onely men that haue preserued and saued the Crowne for the King his father, of most glorious memorie. I am perswaded my brother of France wil beleeue, that his liege people pretended by the L. Cardinall to bee heretikes, are not halfe so bad as my Romane Catholike subiects, who by secret practises vndermine my life, serue a forreine Souereigne, are discharged by his Bulls of their obedience due to me their naturall Souereigne, are bound (by the maximes and rules published and maintained in fauour of the Pope, before this full and famous assemblie of the Estate at Paris; if the said maximes be of any weight and authoritie) to hold meet for no lawfull King, are there taught and instructed, that Pauls commande- ment concerning subiection vnto the higher Powers, aduerse to their professed religion, is onely a prouisionall precept, framed to the times, and watching for the opportunitie to shake off the yoake. All which notwithstanding, I deale with such Romane-Catholikes by the rules and wayes of Princely clemencie; their heinous and pernicious error, in effect no lesse then the capitall crime of high treason, I vse to call some disease or distemper of the mind. Last of all, I beleeue my said brother of France will set downe in his tables, as in record, how little hee standeth ingaged to the L. Cardinall in this behalfe: For those of the reformed Religion professe and proclaime, that next vnder God, they owe theirpreseruation and safetie to the wisedome and benignity of their Kings. But now comes the Cardinall, and he seekes to steale this perswasion out of their hearts: He tells them in open Parliament, and without any going about bushes, that all their wel- fare and securitie standeth in their multitude, and in the feare which others con- ceiue to trouble the State, by the strict execution of lawes against Heretikes.

He addeth moreouer, that In case a third Sect should peepe out and growe vp in France, the professors thereof should suffer confiscation of their goods, with losse of life it selfe; as hath bene practised at Geneua against Seruetus, and in England against Arians. My answer is this, That punishments for heretikes, duely and according to Law conuicted, are set downe by decrees of the ciuill Magistrate, bearing rule in the countrey where the said heretikes inhabite, and not by any ordinances of the Pope. I say withall, the L. Cardinall hath no reason to match and parallell the reformed Churches with Seruetus and the Arians: For those heretikes were powerfully conuicted by Gods word, and lawfully condemned by the ancient Generall Councils, where they were permitted and admitted to plead their owne cause in person. But as for the trewth professed by me, and those of the reformed Religion, it was neuer yet hissed out of the Schooles, nor cast out of any Council, (like some Parliament bills) where both sides haue bene heard with like indifferencie. Yea, what Council soeuer hath bene offered vnto vs in these latter times, it hath bene proposed with certaine presuppositions: as, That his Holinesse (beeing a partie in the cause, and consequently to come vnder iudge- ment as it were to the barre vpon his triall) shall be the Iudge of Assize with Commission of Oyer and Determiner: it shall been celebrated in a citie of no safe accesse, without safe conduct or conuoy to come or goe at pleasure, and without danger: it shall be assembled of such persons with free suffrage and voyce, as vphold this rule, (which they haue already put in practise against Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage) that faith giuen, and oath taken to an Heretike, must not be obserued.

Now then to resume our former matter; If the Pope hitherto hath neuer pre- sumed, for pretended heresie to confiscate by sentence, either the lands or the goods of priuate persons, or common people of the French Nation, wherefore should hee dare to dispossesse Kings of their Royall thrones ? wherefore takes he more vpon him ouer Kings, then ouer priuate persons; wherefore shall the sacred heads of Kings be more churlishly, vnciuilly, and rigorously handled, then the hoods of the meanest people ? Here the L. Cardinal in stead of a direct answer, breakes out of the lists, alledging cleane from the purpose examples of heretikes punished, not by the Pope, but by the ciuill Magistrate of the Countrey: But Bellarmine speakes to the point with a more free and open heart: hee is absolute and resolute in this opinion, that his Holinesse hath plenary power to dispose all Temporall estates and matters in the whole world; I am confident (saith Bellar- mine Contr. Barclaium, cap. 27.) and I speake it with assurance, that our Lord Iesus Christ in the dayes of his mortalitie, had power to dispose of all Temporall things yea, to strip Souereigne Kings and absolute Lords of their Kingdomes and Seignories: and without all doubt hath granted and left euen the same power vnto his Vicar, to make vse thereof when- soeuer hee shall thinke it necessary for the saluation of soules. And so his Lordship speaketh without exception of any thing at all: For who doth not know, that lesus Christ had power to dispose no lesse of priuate mens possessions, then of whole Realmes and Kingdomes at his pleasure, if it had beene his pleasure to display the ensignes of his power ? The same fulnesse of power is likewise in the Pope. In good time: belike his Holinesse is the sole heire of Christ, in whole and in part. The last Lateran Council Sess. 9. fineth a Laic that speaketh blasphemie, for the first offence (if he be a gentleman) at 25. ducats, and at 50. for the second. It presupposeth and taketh it for graunted, that the Church may rifle and ran- sacke the purses of priuate men, and cast lots for their goods. The Councill of Trent diggeth as deepe for the same veine of gold and siluer. It ordaines; Sess. 25. cap. 19. That Emperours, Kings, Dukes, Princes, and Lords of cities, castles, and territories hold- ing of the Church, in case they shall. assigne any place within their limits or liberties for the duell betweene two Christians, shall be depriued of the said citie, castle, or place, where such duell shall be performed, they holding the said place of the Church by any kind of tenure: that all other Estates held in fee where the like offence shall be committed, shall forthwith fall and become forfeited to their immediate and next Lords: that all goods, possessions, and estates, as well of the combatants themselues, as of their seconds shall bee confiscate. This Councill doeth necessarily presuppose, it lieth in the hand and power of the Church, to dispose of all the lands and estates, held in fee throughout all Christendome; (because the Church forsooth can take from one, and giue vnto an other all estates held in fee whatsoeuer, as well such as hold of the Church, as of secular Lords) and to make ordinances for the confisca- tion of all priuate persons goods. By this Canon the Kingdome of Naples hath need to looke well vnto it selfe. For one duell it may fall into the Exchecquer of the Romane Church; because that Kingdome payeth a Reliefe to the Church, as a Royaltie or Seignorie that holdeth in fee of the said Church. And in France there is not one Lordship, not one Mannor, not one farme which the Pope by this meanes cannot shift ouer to a new Lord. His Lordship therefore had carried him- selfe and the cause much better, if in stead of seeking such idle shifts, he had by a more large assertion maintained the Popes power to dispose of priuate mens possessions, with no lesse right and authoritie then of Kingdomes: For what colour of reason can bee giuen, for making the Pope Lord of the whole, and not of the parts ? for making him Lord of the forrest in grosse, and not of the trees in parcell ? for making him Lord of the whole house, and not of the parlour or the dining chamber ?

His Lordship alleadgeth yet an other reason, but of no better weight: Betweene the power of priuate owners ouer their goods, and the power of Kings ouer their estates, there is no little difference: For the goods of priuate persons are ordained for their owners, and Princes for the benefit of their Common-wealths. Heare me now answere. If this Cardinal-reason hath any force to inferre, that a King may law- fully be depriued of his Kingdome for heresie, but a priuate person cannot for the same crime be turned out of his mansion house; then it shall follow by the same reason, that a Father for the same cause may bee depriued of all power ouer his children, but a priuate owner cannot be depriued of his goods in the like case: because goods are ordeined for the benefit and comfort of their owners, but fathers are ordeined for the good and benefit of their children: But most certain it is, that Kings representing the image of God in earth and Gods place, haue better and closer seate in their chaires of Estate, then any priuate persons haue in the saddle of their inheritances and patrimonies, which are dayly seene for sleight causes, to flit and to fall into the hands of new Lords: Whereas a Prince being the Head, cannot bee loosed in the proper ioynt, not dismounted; like a cannon when the carriage thereof is vnlockt, without a sore shaking and a most grieuous disloca- tion of all the members, yea, without subuerting the whole bodie of the State, whereby priuate persons without number are inwrapped together in the same ruine; euen as the lower shrubs and other brush-wood are crushed in pieces alto- gether by the fall of a great oake. But suppose his Lordships reason were some- what ponderous and solide withall, yet a King (which would not bee forgotten) is endowed not onely with the Kingdome, but also with the ancient Desmenes and Crowne-lands, for which none can be so simple to say, The King was ordeined and created King; which neuerthelesse he loseth when hee loseth his Crowne. Admit againe this reason were of some pith, to make mighty Kings more easily de- poseable then priuate persons from their patrimonies; yet all this makes nothing for the deriuing and fetching of deposition from the Popes Consistorie. What hee neuer conferred, by what right or power can he claime to take away ?

But see heere no doubt a sharpe and subtile difference put by the L. Cardinall betweene a Kingdome, and the goods of priuate persons. Goods, as his Lordship saith, are without life: they can be constrained by no force, by no example, by no inducement of their owners to lose eternall life: Subiects by their Princes may. Now I am of the contrary beliefe, That an hereticall owner, or master of a family, hath greater power and meanes withall, to seduce his owne seruants and children, then a Prince hath to peruert his own subiects; and yet for the contagion of Heresie, and for corrupt religion, children are not remoued from their parents, nor seruants are taken away from their masters. Histories abound with examples of most flourishing Churches, vnder a Prince of contrary religion. And if things without life or soule are with lesse danger left in an heretikes hands; why then shall not an hereticall King with more facilitie and lesse danger keepe his Crowne, his Royall charge, his lands, his customes, his imposts, &c ? For will any man, except he bee out of his wits, affirme these things to haue any life or soule ? Or why shall it bee counted folly to leaue a sword in the hand of a mad Bedlam ? Is not a sword also without life and soule ? For my part, I should rather be of this minde; that possession of things without reason, is more dangerous and pernicious in the hands of an euill master, then the possession of things endued with life and reason: For things without life lacke both reason and iudgment, how to exempt and free themselues from being instruments in euill and wicked actions, from being emploied to vngodly and abominable vses. I will not deny, that an hereti- call Prince is a plague, a pernicious and mortall sickenesse to the soules of his subiects: But a breach made by one mischiefe, must not bee filled vp with a greater inconuenience: An errour must not be shocked and shouldered with disloialtie, not heresie with periurie, not impietie with sedition and armed rebel- lion against GOD and the King. GOD, who vseth to try and to schoole his Church, will neuer forsake his Church; nor hath need to protect his Church by any pro- ditorious and prodigious practises of perfidious Christians: For he makes his Church to be like the burning bush: In the middest of the fire and flames of per- secutions, hee will prouide that she shall not be consumed, because hee standeth in the midst of his Church. And suppose there may be some iust cause for the French, to play the rebels against their King; yet will it not follow, that such rebellious motions are to be raised by the bellowes of the Romane Bishop, to whose Pastorall charge and office it is nothing proper, to intermeddle in the ciuill affaires of forraine Kingdomes.

Here is the summe and substance of the L. Cardinals whole discourse, touching his pretence of the second inconuenience. Which discourse hee hath closed with a remarkeable confession: to wit, that neither by the authoritie of holy Scripture, nor by the the testimonie and verdict of the Primitiue Church, there hath bene any full decision of this question. In regard whereof he falleth into admiration, that Lay-people haue gone so farre in audaciousnesse, as to labour that a doubt- full doctrine might for euer passe currant, and be taken for a new article of faith. What a shame, what a reproach is this ? how full of scandall ? for so his Lordship is pleased to cry out. This breakes into the seueralls and inclosures of the Churche: this lets in whole herds of heresies to grase in her greene and sweet pastures. On the other side, without any such Rhetoricall outcries, I simply affirme: It is a re- proach, a scandall, a crime of rebellion, for a subiect hauing his full charge and loade of benefits, in the new spring of his Kings tender aage, his King-fathers blood yet reeking, and vpon the point of an addresse for a double match with Spaine; in so honourable an assembly, to seeke the thraldome of his Kings Crowne, to play the captious in cauilling about causes of his Kings deposing, to giue his former life the Lye with shame enough in his old aage, and to make him- selfe a common by-word, vnder the name of a Problematicall Martyr; one that offers himselfe to fagot and fire, for a point of doctrine but problematically handled, that is, distrustfully and onely by way of doubtfull and questionable dis- course: yea for a point of doctrine, in which the French (as he pretendeth) are permitted to thwart and crosse his Holines in iudgement, prouided they speake in it as in a point, not certaine and necessary, but onely doubtfull and probable.

THE third Inconuenience pretended by the L. CardinallPag. 87. to grow by admitting this Article of the third Estate, is flourished in these colours: It would breed and bring foorth an open and vnauoydeable schisme against his Holinesse, and the rest of the whole Ecclesiasticall body: For thereby the doctrine long approued and ratified by the Pope and the rest of the Church, should now be taxed and condemned of impious and most detestable consequence; yea the Pope and the Church, euen in faith and in points of saluation, should be reputed and beleeued to be erroniously per- swaded. Hereupon his Lordship giues himselfe a large scope of the raines, to frame his elegant amplifications against schismes and schismatikes.

Now to mount so high, and to flie in such place vpon the wings of amplifica- tion for this Inconuenience, what is it else but magnifically to report and imagine a mischiefe by many degrees greater then the mischiefe is ? The L. Cardinal is in a great errour, if hee make himselfe beleeue, that other nations wil make a rent or separation from the communion of the French, because the French stand to it tooth and naile, that French Crownes are not liable or obnoxious to Papall de- position; howsoeuer there is no schisme that importeth not separation of com- munion. The most illustrious Republike of Venice, hath imbarked hereselfe in this quarrell against his Holinesse, hath played her prize, and caried away the weapons with great honour. Doeth she, notwithstanding her triumph in the cause, forbeare to participate with all her neighbours in the same Sacraments ? doeth she liue in schisme with all the rest of the Romane Church ? No such matter. When the L. Cardinal himselfe not many yeeres past, maintained the Kings cause, and stood honourably for the Kings right against the Popes Tem- porall vsurpations, did he then take other Churches to be schismaticall, or the rotten members of Antichrist ? Beleeue it who list, I beleeue my Creed. Nay his Lordship telleth vs himselfe a little after, that his Holinesse giues the French free scope, to maintaine either the affimatiue or negatiue of this question. And will his Holinesse hold them schismatikes, that dissent from his opinion and iudgement in a subiect or cause esteemed problematicall ? Farre be it from his Holinesse. The King of Spaine, reputed the Popes right arme, neuer gaue the Pope cause by any acte or other declaration, to conceiue that he acknowledged himselfe deposeable by the Pope for heresie, or Tyrannie, or stupiditie. But being well assured the Pope standeth in greater feare of his arme, then hee doeth of the Popes head and shoulders, he neuer troubles his owne head about our question. More, when the booke of Cardinall Baronius was come foorth, in which booke the Kingdome of Naples is descried and publiquely discredited (like false money) touching the qualitie of a Kingdome, and attributed to the King of Spaine, not as trew proprietary thereof, but onely as an Estate held in fee of the Romane Church; the King made no bones to condemne and to banish the said booke out of his dominions. The holy Father was contented to put vp his Catho- like sonnes proceeding to the Cardinals disgrace, neuer opened his mouth against the King, neuer declared or noted the King to be schismaticall. He waits perhaps for some fitter opportunitie; when the Kingdome of Spaine groaning vnder the burthens of intestine dissentions and troubles, hee may without any danger to himselfe giue the Catholike King a Bishops mate. Yea, the L. Cardinal himselfe is better seene in the humors and inclinations of the Christian world, then to be grosly perswaded, that in the Kingdome of Spaine, and in the very heart of Rome it selfe there be not many, which either make it but a ieast, or else take it in fowle scorne, to heare the Popes power ouer the Crownes of Kings once named: espe- cially since the Venetian Republic hath put his Holinesse to the worse in the same cause, and cast him in Law.

What needed the L. Cardinall then, by casting vp such mounts and trenches, by heaping one amplification vpon an other, to make schisme looke with such a terrible and hideous aspect ? Who knowes not how great an offence, how heinous a crime it is to quarter not IESVS CHRISTS coat, but his body, which is the Church ? And what needed such terrifying of the Church with vglinesse of schisme, whereof there is neither colourable shew, nor possibilitie ?

The next vgly monster, after schisme, shaped by the L. Cardinall Pag. 89. in the third supposed and pretended inconuenience, is heresie. His Lordship saith for the purpose: By this Article we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie, as binding vs to confesse, that for many aages past, the Catholike Church hath bene banished out of the whole world. For if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this Article, doe hold an impious and a detestable opinion, repugnant vnto Gods word, then doubtlesse the Pope for so many hundred yeeres expired, hath not bene the head of the Church, but an heretike and the Antichrist. He addeth moreouer; That the Church long agoe hath lost her name of Catholike, and that in France there hath no Church flourished, nor so much as appeared these many and more then many yeeres: for as much as all the French doctors for many yeeres together, haue stood for the contrary opinion. We can erect and set vp no trophey more honorable for heretikes in token of their victory, then to auow that Christs visible Kingdom is perished from the face of the earth, and that for so many hundred yeres that there hath not beene any Temple of God, nor any spouse of Christ, but euery where, and all the world ouer, the kingdom of Antichrist, the synagogue of Satan, the spouse of the diuel, hath mightily preuailed and borne all the sway. Lastly, what stronger engines can these heretikes wish or desire, for the battering and the demolishing of transubstantiation, of auricular confession, and other like towers of our Catholike Religion, then if it should bee granted the Church hath decided the said points without any authoritie ? &c.

Mee thinkes the L. Cardinal in the whole draught and course of these words doeth seeke not a little to blemish the honour of his Church, and to marke his religion with a blacke coale: For the whole frame of his Mother-Church is very easie to be shaken, if by the establishing of this Article she shall come to finall ruine, and shall become the Synagogue of Satan. Likewise, Kings are brought into a very miserable state and condition, if their Souereigntie shall not stand, if they shall not bee without danger of deposition, but by the totall ruine of the Church, and by holding the Pope, whom they serue, to be Antichrist. The L. Cardinall himselfe (let him be well sifted) herein doeth not credit his owne words: For doeth not his Lordship tell vs plaine, that neither by Diuine testimony, nor by any sentence of the ancient Church, the knot of this controuersie hath bene vntied? againe, that some of the French, by the Popes fauourable indulgence, are licensed or tolerated to say their mind, to deliuer their opinion of this question, though contrary to the iudgement of his Holinesse; prouided they hold it onely as problematicall, and not as necessary ? What ? Can there be any assurance for the Pope, that hee is not Antichrist; for the Church of Rome, that she is not a Synagogue of Satan, when a mans assurance is grounded vpon wauering and wilde vncertainties, without Canon of Scripture, without consent or countenance of antiquitie, and in a cause which the Pope by good leaue suffereth some to tosse with winds of problematicall opinion ? It hath beene shewed before, that by Gods word, whereof small reckoning perhaps is made, by venerable antiquitie, and by the French Church in those times when the Popes power was mounted aloft, the doctrine which teacheth deposing of Kings by the Pope, hath bene checked and countermanded. What, did the French in those dayes beleeue the Church was then swallowed vp, and no where visible or extant in the world ? No verely; Those that make the Pope of Soueraigne authoritie for matters of Faith, are not perswaded that in this cause they are bound ab- solutely to beleeue and credit his doctrine. Why so ? Because they take it not for any decree or determination of Faith; but for a point perteining to the mys- teries of State, and a pillar of the Popes Temporall Monarchie; who hath not receiued any promise from God, that in causes of this nature hee shall not erre: For they hold, that errour by no meanes can crawle or scramble vp to the Papall See, so highly mounted; but grant ambition can scale the highest walls, and climbe the loftiest pinacles of the same See. They hold withall, that in case of so speciall aduantage to the Pope, whereby he is made King of Kings, and as it were the pay-master or distributer of Crownes, it is against all reason that hee should sit as Iudge, to carue out Kingdomes for his owne share. To bee short, let his Lordship be assured that he meeteth with notorious blockeheads, more blunt- witted then a whetstone, when they are drawne to beleeue by his perswasion, that whosoeuer beleeues the Pope hath no right nor power to put Kings beside their Thrones, to giue and take away Crownes, are all excluded and barred out of the heauenly Kingdome.

But now followes a worse matter: For they whom the Cardinall reproachfully calls heretikes, haue wrought and wonne his Lordship (as to mee seemeth) to plead their cause at the barre, and to betray his owne cause to these heretikes: For what is it in his Lordship, but plaine playing the Praeuaricator, when he crieth so lowd, that by admitting and establishing of this Article, the doctrine of Cake-incarnation and priuie Confession to a Priest, is vtterly subuerted ? Let vs heare his reason, and willingly accept the trewth from his lips. The Articles (as his Lordship granteth) of Transubstantiation, auricular Confession, and the Popes power to depose Kings, are all grounded alike vpon the same authoritie. Now he hath acknowledged the Article of the Popes power to depose Kings, is not decided by the Scripture, not by the ancient Church, but within the compasse of certaine aages past, by the authoritie of Popes and Councils. Then he goes on well, and inferres with good reason, that in case the point of the Popes power be weakened, then the other two points must needs bee shaken, and easily ouer- throwen: So that hee doeth confesse the monstrous birth of the breaden-God, and the blind Sacrament or vaine fantasie of auricular confession, are no more con- ueyed into the Church by pipes from the springs of sacred Scripture, or from the riuers of the ancient Church, then that other point of the Popes power ouer Kings and their Crownes. Very good: For were they indeed deriued from either of those two heads, that is to say, were they grounded vpon the foundation of the first or second authoritie; then they could neuer bee shaken by the downefall of the Popes power to depose Kings. I am well assured, that for vsing so good a reason, the world will hold his Lordship in suspicion, that he still hath some smacke of his fathers discipline and instruction, who in times past had the honour to be a Minister of the holy Gospel.

Howbeit he playeth not faire, nor vseth sincere dealing in his proceeding against such as he calls heretikes; when hee casts in their dish, and beares them in hand they frowardly wrangle for the inuisibilitie of the Church in earth: For indeed the matter is nothing so. They freely acknowledge a visible Church: For howsoeuer the assembly of Gods elect, doth make a body not discerneable by mans eye; yet we assuredly beleeue, and gladly professe, there neuer wanted a visible Church in the world; yet onely visible to such as make a part of the same. All that are without, see no more but men, they doe not see the said men to be the trew Church. Wee beleeue moreouer of the vniuersall Church visible, that it is composed of many particular Churches, whereof some are better fined and more cleane from lees and dregs then other: and withall, we denie the purest Churches to be alwayes the greatest and most visible.

THE Lord Cardinall before he looketh into the last Inconuenience, vseth a cer- taine preamble of his owne life past, and seruices done to the Kings, Henry the III. and IIII. Touching the latter of which two Kings, his Lordship saith in a straine of boasting, after this manner: I, by the grace of God, or the grace of God by mee rather, reduced him to the Catholike religion. I obtained at Rome his absolution of Pope Clement 8. I reconciled him to the holy See. Touching the first of these points; I say the time, the occasions, and the foresaid Kings necessary affaires doe sufficiently testifie, that he was induced to change his mind, and to alter his religion, vpon the strength of other manner of arguments then Theological schooles, or the perswasions of the L. Cardinals fluent Rhetoricke, doe vsually afford, or could possibly suggest. Moreouer, who doeth not know, that in affaires of so high nature and consequence, resolutions once taken, Princes are to pro- ceede with instructions by a formal course ? As for the Kings absolution, pre- tended to bee purchased of Clement 8. by the L. Cardinals good seruice; it had beene the part of so great a Cardinall, for the honour of his King, of the Realme, and of his owne place, to haue buried that piece of his notable seruice in perpetuall silence, and in the darke night of eternall obliuion: For in this matter of reconcile- ment, it is not vnknowne to the world, how shamefully and basely hee prostituted the inuiolable dignity of his King, when his Lordship representing the person of his King, and couching on the ground by way of sufficient penance, was glad (as I haue noted in the Preface to my Apologie) to haue his venerable shoulders grace- fully saluted with stripes, and reuerently worshipped with bastonados of a Ponti- ficiall cudgell. Which gracefull, or disgracefull blemish rather, it pleased Pope Clement of his rare clemencie, to grace yet with a higher degree of spirituall graces; in giuing the L. Cardinall then Bishop of Eureux, a certaine quantity of holy graines, crosses, and medals, or little plates of siluer, or some other mettall, to hang about the necke, or to bee borne about against some euill: Which treasures of the Popes grace, whosoeuer should graciously and reuerently kisse, they should with- out faile purchase vnto themselues a pardon for one hundred yeeres. These feate and prety gugawes for children, were nor doubt a speciall comfort vnto the good Kings heart, after his Maiestie had beene handsomely basted vpon the L. Bishops backe. But with what face can his Lordship brag, that he preuailed with Pope Clement for the Kings absolution ? The late Duke of Neuers, not long before had solicited his Holines, with all earnest and humble instance to the same purpose; howsoeuer, the Kings affaires then seeming desperate in the Popes eye, he was licensed to depart for France, without any due and gracious respect vnto his errand. But so soone as the Pope receiued intelligence, of the Kings fortunes growing to the full, and the affaires of the League to be in the wane, and the prin- cipall cities, the strongest places of garrison through all France to strike tops and tops gallant, and to hale the King; then the holy Ghost in good time inspired the holy Father with a holy desire and tender affection, to receiue this poore wandring sheep againe into the flocke of Christ, and bosome of holy Church. His Holinesse had reason: For he feared by his obstinate seuerity to prouoke the patience of the French, and to driue that Nation (as they had many times threatned before) then to put in execution their auncient designe; which was, to shake off the Pope, and to set vp some of their owne tribes or kinreds for Patriarch ouer the French Church. But let his Lordshippe vouchsafe to search the secret of his owne bosome, and no doubt he wil not sticke to acknowledge, that before he stirred one foote out of France, he had good assurance of the good successe and issue of his honourable embassage.

Now the hearers thus prepared by his Preface, the L. Cardinall proceedeth in his purpose; namely to make proofe, how this Article of the third Estate, wherein doubtfull and questionable matters are mingled and confounded with certaine and indubitable principles, doth so debilitate and weaken the sinewes and vertue of any remedy intended for the danger of Kings, as it maketh all remedies and receipts prescribed for that purpose, to become altogether vnprofitable, and with- out effect. He yeelds this reason, (take it forsooth vpon my warrant) a reason full of pith and substance: The onely remedie against parricides, is to thunder the solemne curses of the Church, and the punishments to be inflicted after death: which points, if they be not grounded vpon infallible authoritie, will neuer be setled in mens perswasions with any certaine assurance. Now in the solemne curses of the Church, no man can attaine to the said assurance, if things not denied be mingled with points not graunted, and not consented vnto by the Vniuersall Church. By a thing not denied and not contested, the L. Cardinall meanes prohibiting and condemning of King-killing: and by points contested, he meanes denying of the Popes power to depose Kings.

In this whole discourse, I find neither pith of argument, nor course of proofe; but onely a cast of the L. Cardinalls office by way of counsell: whereunto I make this answere. If there be in this Article of the third Estate any point, wherein all are not of one mind and the same iudgement; in whom lieth all the blame, from whence rises the doubt, but from the Popes and Popish parasites, by whom the certaintie of the said point hath bin cunningly remooued and conueied away, and must be restored againe by publike authority ? Now the way to restore certainty vnto a point, which against reason is called into doubt and question, is to make it vp in one masse, or to tie it vp in the same bundle, with other certaine points of the same nature.

Here I am forced to summon the consciences of men, to make some stand or stay vpon this point, and with me to enter into deepe consideration, how great and vnuanquishable force is euer found in the trewth: For these two questions, Whether Kings may lawfully be made away by assassins waged and hired for the act; and Whether the Pope hath lawfull power to chase Kings out of their Thrones, are by the L. Cardinals owne confession, in so full aspect of coniunction, that if either bee brought vnder any degree of doubt, the other also is fetcht within the same compasse. In which words he directly pointeth as with a finger to the very trew source of the maine mischiefe, and to the basilique and liuer veine, infected with pestilential blood, inflamed to the destruction of Basilicall Princes by detestable parricide: For whosoeuer shall confidently beleeue that Popes are not armed with power to depose Kings; will beleeue with no lesse con- fidence and assurance, it is not lawful by sudden assaults to flie at their throats. For are not all desperate villaines perswaded, when they are hired to murder Kings, that in doing so damnable a feate, they doe it for a piece of notable and extraordinary seruice to the Pope ? This maxime therefore is to be held for a principle vnmooueable and indubitable; that, If subiects desire the life of their Kings to bee secured; they must not yeeld the Pope one inch of power, to depriue their Kings of their Thrones and Crownes, by deposing their Kings.

The Lord Cardinall testifieth no lesse himselfe in these words: If those monsters of men, and furies of hell, by whom the life-blood of our two last Kings was let out had euer beene acquainted with Lawes Ecclesiasticall, they might haue read them- selues adiudged by the Councill of Constance to expresse damnation. For in these words, the L. Cardinall preferreth a bill of inditement to cast his Holinesse; who, vpon the commencing of the Leaguers warres, in stead of giuing order for the publishing of the said Ecclesiasticall Lawes for the restraining of all parricidicall practises and attempts, fell to the terrour of his fulminations, which not long after were seconded and ratified by the most audatious and bloody murder of King Henry III. In like manner, the whole Clergy of France are wrapped vp by the L. Cardinals words, and inuolued in the perill of the said inditement: For in stead of preaching the said Ecclesiasticall Lawes, by which all King-killing is inhibited; the Priests taught, vented, and published nothing but rebellion; and when the people in great deuotion came to powre their confessions into the Priests eares; then the Priests, with a kind of counterbuffe in the second place when their turne was come, and with great deuotion, powred blood into the eares of the people; out of which roote grewe the terrour of those cruell warres, and the horrible parricide of that good King.

But let vs here take some neere sight of these Ecclesiasticall Lawes, whereby subiects are inhibited to kill, or desperately to dispatch their Kings out of the way. The Lord Cardinall, for full payment of all scores vpon this reckoning, layeth downe the credit of the Councill at Constance, which neuerthelesse affoardeth not one myte of trew and currant payment. The trewth of the history may bee taken from this briefe relation. Iohn Duke of Burgundy, procured Lewis Duke of Orleans to be murthered in Paris: To iustifie and make good this bloody acte, he produced a certaine petimaster, one called by the name of Iohn Petit. This little Iohn caused nine propositions to be giuen foorth or set vp, to bee discussed in the famous Vniuersitie of Paris: The summe of all to this purpose; It is lawfull, iust, and honourable, for euery subiect or priuate person either by open force and violence, or by deceit and secret lying in waite, or by some wittie stratagem, or by any other way of fact, to kil a Tyrant practising against his King, and other higher powers; yea the King ought in reason, to giue him a pension or stipend, that hath killed any person disloyal to his Prince. The words of Petits first pro- position be these:Gerson. It is lawfull for euery subiect, without any command or com- mission from the higher powers by all the Lawes of nature, of man, and of God him- selfe, to kill or cause to be killed any Tyrant, who either by a couetous and greedie desire, or by fraud, by diuination vpon casting of Lots, by double and treacherous dealing, doeth plot or practise against his Kings corporall health, or the health of his higher powers. In the third proposition: It is lawfull for euery subiect honourable and meritorious, to kill the said Tyrant, or cause him to be killed as a Traitor, dis- loyall and trecherous to his King. In the sixt proposition: The King is to appoint a salarie and recompence for him that hath kilted such a Tyrant, or hath caused him to bee killed. These propositions of Iohannes Paruus, were condemned by the Councill of Constance, as impious, and tending to the scandall of the Church. Now then, whereas the said Councill no doubt vnderstood the name or word Tyrant in the same sense, wherein it was taken by Iohannes Paruus; certaine it is, the Councill was not of any such iudgement or mind, to condemne one that should kill a King or Soueraigne Prince; but one that by treason, and without commandement should kill a subiect, rebelling and practising against his King. For Iohn Petit had vndertaken to iustifie the making away of the Duke of Orleans to be a lawfull acte, and calls that Duke a Tyrant, albeit hee was no Soueraigne Prince; as all the aboue recited words of Iohn Petit doe testifie, that he speaketh of such a Tyrant, as being in state of subiection, rebelleth against his free and absolute Prince: So that whosoeuer shall narrowly search and looke into the mind and meaning of the said Council, shal easily perceiue, that by their decrees the safetie of Kings was not confirmed but weakened, not augmented but dimin- ished; for as much as they inhibited priuate persons to kill a Subiect, attempting by wicked counsels and practises to make away his King.

But be it granted, the Councill of Constance is flat and altogether direct against King-killers; For I am not vnwilling to be perswaded, that had the ques- tion then touched the murdering of Soueraigne Princes, the said Councill would haue passed a sound and holy decree: But, I say, this granted, what shield of defence is hereby reached to Kings, to ward or beat off the thrust of a murderers weapon, and to saue or secure their life ? seeing the L. Cardinall, building vpon the subtile deuise and shift of the Iesuites, hath taught vs out of their Schooles, that by Kings are vnderstood Kings in esse, not yet fallen from the supreame de- gree of Soueraigne Royaltie: For being once deposed by the Pope, (say the Iesuites) they are no longer Kings, but are fallen from the rights of Soueraigne dignitie; and consequently to make strip and wast of their blood, is not forsooth to make strip and wast of Royall blood. The Iesuiticall masters, in the file of thire words are so supple and so limber, that by leauing still in their speech some starting hole or other, they are able by the same, as by a posterne or backdoore, to make an escape.

Meane while the Readers are here to note (for well they may) a tricke of monstrous and most wicked cunning. The L. Cardinall contends for the bridling and hampering of King-killers by the Lawes Ecclesiasticall. Now it might be presumed, that so reuerend and learned a Cardinal intending to make vse of Ecclesiasticall Lawes, by vertue whereof the life of Kings may be secured, would fill his mouth and garnish the point with diuine Oracles, that wee might the more gladly and willingly giue him the hearing, when hee speakes as one furnished with sufficient weight and authoritie of sacred Scripture. But behold, in stead of the authenticall and most ancient word, hee propounds the decree of a lateborne Councill at Constance, neither for the Popes tooth, nor any way comming neere the point in controuersie. And suppose it were pertinent vnto the purpose, the L. Cardinall beareth in his hand a forke of distinction, with two tines or teeth to beare off, nay to shift off and to auoid the matter with meere dalliance. The shortest and neerest way (in some sort of respects) to establish a false opinion, is to charge or set vpon it with false and with ridiculous reasons. The like way to worke the ouerthrow of trew doctrine, is to rest or ground it vpon friuolous rea- sons or authorities of stubble-weight. For example; if we should thus argue for the immortalitie of the soule with Plato:In Phaedone. The swan singeth before her death; ergo, the soule is immortall. Or thus with certaine seduced Christians: The Pope hath ordained the word of God to be authenticall: ergo, all credit must be giuen to diuine Scripture. Vpon the spurkies or hookes of such ridiculous argu- ments and friuolous reasons, the L. Cardinall hangs the life and safetie of Kings.

With like artificiall deuises hee pretendeth to haue the infamous murders, and apposted cutting of Kings throats in extreame detestation; and yet by deposing them from their Princely dignities, by degrading them from their supreame and Soueraigne authorities, hee brings their sacred heads to the butchers blocke: For a King deposed by the Pope, (let no man doubt) will not leaue any stone vnre- mooued, nor any meanes and wayes vnattempted, nor any forces or powers of men vnleuied or vnhired, to defend himselfe and his Regall dignitie, to represse and bring vnder his rebellious people, by the Pope discharged of their alleagiance. In this perplexitie of the publike affaires, in these tempestuous perturbations of the State, with what perils is the King not besieged and assaulted ? His head is exposed to the chances of warre; his life a faire marke to the insidious practises of a thousand traitours; his Royall person obuious to the dreadfull storme of angry fortune, to the deadly malice, to the fatall and mortall weapons of his enemies. The reason: He is presupposed to be lawfully and orderly stripped of his Kingdome. Wil he yet hold the sterne of his Royall estate ? Then is he necessarily taken for a Tyrant, reputed an vsurper, and his life is exposed to the spoile: For the publike lawes make it lawful and free, for any priuate person to enterprise against an vsurper of the Kingdome: Euery man, saith Tertullian,In reos Maiestatis, publicos hostes omnis homo miles est. Tertul. apol. cap. 2. is a souldier, to beare armes against all traitors and publike enemies. Take from a King the title of lawfull King, you take from him the warrant of his life, and the weap- ons whereby he is maintained in greater securitie, then by his Royall Guard armed with swords and halberds, through whose wards and ranks, a desperate villaine will make himselfe an easie passage, being master of another mans life, because he is prodigall and carelesse of his owne. Such therefore as pretend so much pity towards Kings, to abhorre the bloody opening of their liuer-veine, and yet withall, to approoue their hoysting out of the Royall dignity, are iust in the veine and humour of those that say, Let vs not kill the King, but let vs disarme the King that he may die a violent death: let vs not depriue him of life, but of the meanes to defend his life: let vs not strangle the King and stop his vitall breath, so long as he remaineth King; 0 that were impious, 0 that were horrible and abominable; but let him be deposed, and then whosoeuer shall runne him through the body with a weapon vp to the very hilts, shall not beare the guilt of a King-killer. All this must be vnderstood to be spoken of Kings, who after they are despoiled of Regalitie, by sentence of deposition giuen by the Pope, are able to arme them- selues, and by valiant armes doe defend their Soueraigne rights. But in case the King, blasted with Romane lightning, and stricken with Papall thunder, shall actually and speedily bee smitten downe from his high Throne of Regality, with present losse of his Kingdome; I beleeue it is almost impossible for him to war- rant his owne life, who was not able to warrant his owne Kingdome. Let a cat be throwen from a high roofe to the bottom of a cellour or vault, she lighteth on her feet, and runneth away without taking any harme. A King is not like a cat, how- soeuer a cat may looke vpon a King: he cannot fall from the loftie pinacle of Royalty, to light on his feet vpon the hard pauement of a priuate state, without crushing all his bones in pieces. It hath bene the lot of very few Emperors and Kings, to outliue their Empire: For men ascend to the loftie Throne of Kings, with a soft and easie pace, by certaine steps and degrees; there be no stately staires to come downe, they tumble head and heeles together when they fall. He that hath once griped anothers Kingdome, thinks himselfe in little safetie, so long as he shall of his courtesie suffer his disseised predecessour to draw his breath. And say that some Princes, after their fall from their Thrones, haue escaped both point and edge of the Tyrants weapon; yet haue they wandred like miserable fugitiues in forreine countreys, or else haue bene condemned like captiues to perpetuall imprisonment at home, a thousand-fold worse and more lamentable then death it selfe. Dionysius the Tyrant of Syracusa, from a great King in Sicilie tur'nd Schoolemaster in Corinth. It was the onely calling and kind of life, that as he thought bearing some resemblance of rule and gouernment, might recreate his mind, as an image or picture of his former Soueraigntie ouer men. This Dionysius was the onely man (to my knowledge) that had a humour to laugh after the losse of a Kingdome, and in the state of a Pedant or gouernour of children, merily to ieast and to scorne his former state and condition of a King. In this my Kingdome of England, sundry Kings haue seene the walls as it were of their Princely fortresse dismantled, razed, and beaten downe. By name, Edward and Richard, both II. and Henrie the VI. all which Kings were most cruelly murdered in prison. In the reigne of Edward III. by Acte of Parliament, Who- soeuer shall imagine, (that is the very word of the Statute) or machinate the Kings death, are declared guiltie of Rebellion and high Treason. The learned Iudges of the Land, grounding vpon this Law of Edward the third, haue euer since reputed and iudged them traitors according to Law, that haue dared only to whisper or talke softly betweene the teeth, of deposing the King: For they count it a cleare case, that no Crowne can be taken from a Kings head, without losse of Head and Crowne together, sooner or later.

The L. CardinalPage 95. therefore in this most weightie and serious point doth meerely dally and flowt after a sort, when hee tells vs, The Church doeth not inter- meddle with releasing of subiects, and knocking of their yrons of obedience, but onely before the Ecclesiasticall tribunall seat; and that besides this double censure, of absolu- tion to subiects, and excommunication to the Prince, the Church imposeth none other penaltie. Vnder pretence of which two censures, so farre is the Church (as the L. Car- dinall pretendeth) from consenting that any man so censured should bee touchedfor his life, that she vtterly abhorreth all murder whatsoeuer; but especially all sudden and vnpre- penced murders for feare of casting away both body and soule; which often in sudden murders goe both one way. It hath bene made manifest before, that all such pro- scription and setting forth of Kings to port-sale, hath alwaies for the traine thereof, either some violent and bloody death, or some other mischiefe more intolerable then death it selfe. What are we the better, that parricides of Kings are neither set on, nor approued by the Church in their abominable actions; when shee layeth such plots, and taketh such courses, as necessarily doe inferre the cutting of their throates ? In the next place be it noted, that his Lordship against all reason, reckons the absoluing of subiects from the oath of alleagiance, in the ranke of penalties awarded and enioyned before the Ecclesiasticall tri- bunall seate: For this penaltie is not Ecclesiasticall, but Ciuill, and consequently not triable in Ecclesiasticall Courts, without vsurping vpon the Ciuill Magistrate. But I wonder with what face the L. Cardinall can say, The Church neuer con- senteth to any practise against his life, whom she hath once chastised with seuere censures: For can his Lordship be ignorant, what is written by Pope Vrbanus,Can. excom. Caus. 23. Quaest. 6. Can. Excommunicatorum. Wee take them not in any wise to bee man-slayers, who in a certaine heat of zeale towards the Catholike Church their Mother, shall happen to kill an excommunicate person. More, if the Pope doth not approoue and like the practice of King-killing, wherefore hath not his Holinesse imposed some seuere censure vpon the booke of Mariana the Iesuite (by whom parricides are com- mended, nay highly extolled) when his Holinesse hath beene pleased to take the paines to censure and call in some other of Mariana's bookes ? Againe, wherefore did his Holinesse aduise himselfe to censure the Decree of the Court of Parlia- ment in Paris against Iohn Chastell ? Wherefore did hee suffer Garnet and Old- corne my powder-miners, both by bookes and pictures vendible vnder his nose in Rome, to be inrowled in the Canon of holy Martyrs ? And when hee saw two great Kings murdered one after another, wherefore by some publike declaration did not his Holinesse testifie to all Christendome, his inward sense and trew ap- prehension of so great misfortune, as all Europe had iust cause to lament on the behalfe of France ? Wherefore did not his Holinesse publish some Law or Pon- tificiall Decree, to prouide for the securitie of Kings in time to come ? Trew it is, that he censured Becanus his booke: But wherefore ? That by a captious and sleight censure, he might preuent a more exact and rigorous Decree of the Sorbone Schoole: For the Popes checke to Becanus, was onely a generall censure and touch, without any particular specification of matter touching the life of Kings. About some two moneths after, the said booke was printed againe, with a dedica- tion to the Popes Nuntio in Germany; yet without any alteration, saue onely of two articles conteining the absolute power of the people ouer Kings. In recom- pence and for a counterchecke whereof, three or foure articles were inserted into the said booke, touching the Popes power ouer Kings; articles no lesse wicked & iniurious to Regall rights; nay more iniurious then any of the other clauses, whereof iust cause of exception and complaint had bene giuen before. If I would collect and heape vp examples of ancient Emperours, (as of Henrie IV. whose dead corps felt the rage and furie of the Pope; or of Frederic II. against whom the Pope was not ashamed to whet and kindle the Sultane; or of Queene Elizabeth our Predecessour, of glorious memorie, whose life was diuers times assaulted by priuie murderers, expresly dispatched from Rome for that holy seruice) if I would gather vp other examples of the same stampe, which I haue layd forth in my Apologie for the oath of alleagiance; I could make it more cleare then day-light, how farre the L. Cardinals words are discrepant from the trewth, where his Lord- ship Page 97. out of most rare confidence is bold to auow, That neuer any Pope went so farre, as to giue consent or counsell for the desperate murdering of Princes. That which already hath bene alleadged may suffice to conuince his Lordship: I meane, that his Holinesse by deposing of Kings, doeth lead them directly to their graues and tombes.

The CardinallPag. 95. himselfe seemeth to take some notice hereof. The Church (as he speaketh) abborreth sudden and vnprepensed murders aboue the rest. Doth not his Lordship in this phrase of speech acknowledge, that murders committed by open force, are not so much disauowed or disclaimed by the Church ? A little after he speakes not in the teeth, as before, but with full and open mouth; that hee doeth not dislike a King once deposed by the Pope, should be pursued with open warre: Whereupon it followes, that in warre the King may be lawfully slaine. No doubt a remarkable degree of his Lordships clemencie. A King shall bee better entreated and more mildly dealt withal, if he be slaine by the shot of an harquebuse or caleeuer in the field, then if hee bee stabd by the stroke or thrust of a knife in his chamber: or if at a siege of some city hee be blowne vp with a myne, then by a myne made, and a traine of gunpowder laid vnder his Palace or Parliament house in time of peace. His reason: Forsooth, because in sudden murders, oftentimes the soule and the body perish both together. O singular bountie, and rare clemencie! prouokers, instigators, strong puffers and blowers of parricides, in mercifull compassion of the soule, become vnmercifull and shamefull murderers of the body. This deuice may well claime and challenge kinred of Mariana the Iesuites inuention: For he liketh not at any hand the poisoning of a Tyrant by his meat or drinke; for feare lest he taking the poison with his owne hand, and swallowing or gulping it downe in his meate or drinke so taken, should be found felo de se, (as the common Lawyer speaketh) or culpable of his owne death. But Mariana likes better, to haue a Tyrant poysoned by his chaire, or by his apparell and robes, after the example of the Mauritanian Kings; that being so poysoned onely by sent, or by contact, he may not be found guiltie of selfe- fellonie, and the soule of the poore Tyrant in her flight out of the body may be innocent. 0 hel-hounds, 0 diabolical wretches, 0 infernall monsters! Did they onely suspect and imagine, that either in Kings there is any remainder of Kingly courage, or in their subiects any sparke left of ancient libertie; they durst as soone eat their nailes, or teare their owne flesh from the bones, as once broach the vessell of this diabolicall deuice. How long then, how long shall Kings whom the Lord hath called his Anointed, Kings the breathing Images of God vpon earth; Kings that with a wry or frowning looke, are able to crush these earth-wormes in pieces; how long shall they suffer this viperous brood, scotfree and without punishment, to spit in their faces ? how long, the Maiestie of GOD in their person and Royall Maiestie, to be so notoriously vilified, so dishonourably trampled vnder foot ?

The L. Cardinall boards vs with a like manifest ieast, and notably trifles; first, distinguishing betweene Tyrants by administration, and Tyrants by vsurpation; then shewing that he by no means doeth approue those prophane and heathenish Lawes, whereby secret practises and conspiracies against a Tyrant by administra- tion are permitted. His reason; Because after deposition there is a certaine habitude to Royall dignitie, and as it were a kinde of politicke Character inherent in Kings, by which they are discerned from persons meerely private, or the common sort of people; and the obstacle, crosse-barre, or sparre once remooued and taken out of the way, the said Kings deposed are at length reinuested and endowed againe with lawfull vse of Royall dignitie, and with lawfull administration of the Kingdome. Is it possible that his Lordship can speake and vtter these words according to the inward per- swasion of his heart? I beleeue it not. For admit a King cast out of his King- dome were sure to escape with life; yet being once reduced to a priuate state of life, after hee hath wound or wrought himselfe out of deadly danger, so farre he is from holding or retayning any remainder of dignity or politike impression, that on the contrary he falleth into greater contempt and misery, then if he had bene a very peasant by birth, and had neuer held or gouerned the sterne of Royall estate. What fowle is more beautifull then the peacocke? Let her be plumed and bereft of her feathers; what owle, what iacke-daw more ridiculous, more without all pleasant fashion ? The homely sowter, the infamous catchpol, the base tincker, the rude artificer, the pack-horse porter, then liuing in Rome with libertie, when Valentinian was detain'd captiue by Saporas the Persian King, was more happie then that Romane Emperour. And in case the L. Cardinall himselfe should bee so happie (I should say so vnfortunate) to be stript of all his dignities and Ecclesiasticall promotions; would it not redound to his Lordships wonderfull consolation, that in his greatest extremity, in the lowest of his barenesse and nakednesse, he still retaineth a certaine habituall right and character of a Car- dinall, whereby to recouer the losse of his former dignities and honours ? when hee beholds these prints and impressions of his foresaid honours; would it not make him the more willing and glad, to forsake the backe of his venerable mule, to vse his Cardinals foot-cloath no longer, but euer after like a Cardinall in print and character, to walke on foot ?

But let vs examine his Lordships consolation of Kings, thrust out of their kingdomes by the Pope for heresie. The obstacle (as the L. Cardinall speaketh) being taken away; that is to say, when the King shall be reformed; this habituall right and character yet inherent in the person of a King, restores him to the Lawfull administration of his Kingdome. I take this to be but a cold comfort: For here his Lordship doeth onely presuppose, and not prooue, that after a King is thrust out of his Throne, when hee shall repent and turne trew Romane Catholike, the other by whom he hath bene cast out, and by force disseised, will recall him to the Royall seat, and faithfully settle him againe in his ancient right, as one that reioyceth for the recouery of such a lost sheepe. But I should rather feare, the new King would presse and stand vpon other termes; as a terme of yeeres for a triall, whether the repentance of the King displaced be trew & sound to the coare, or counterfeit, dissembled, and painted holines; for the words, the sorrowfull and heauie lookes, the sad and formall gestures, of men pretending repentance, are not alwayes to bee taken, to be respected, to be credited. Againe, I should feare the afflicted King might be charged and borne downe too, that albeit hee hath renounced his former heresie, hee hath stumbled since at an other stone, and runne the ship of his faith against some other rocke of new hereticall prauitie. Or I should yet feare, he might be made to beleeue that heresie maketh a deeper im- pression, and a character more indeleble in the person, then is the other politike character of Regal Maiestie. Alas, good Kings! in how hard, in how miserable a state doe they stand ? Once deposed, and euer barred of repentance: As if the scapes and errors of Kings, were all sinnes against the Holy Ghost, or sinnes vnto death, for which it is not lawfull to pray. Falls a priuate person ? he may be set vp, and new established. Falls a King ? is a King deposed ? his repentance is euer fruitlesse, euer vnprofitable. Hath a priuate person a traine of seruants ? He can not be depriued of any one without his priuitie and consent. Hath a King millions of subiects ? He may be depriued by the Pope of a third part, when his Holinesse will haue them turne Clerics or enter Cloisters, without asking the King leaue: and so of subiects they may be made non-subiects.

But I question yet further. A King falling into heresie, is deposed by the Pope, his sonne stands pure Catholike: The Regal seat is empty. Who shall suc- ceed in the deposed Kings place ? Shall a stranger be preferred by the Pope ? That were to doe the innocent sonne egregious and notorious wrong. Shall the sonne himselfe ? That were a more iniurious part in the sonne against his father: For if the sonne bee touched with any feare of God, or mooued with any reuerence towards his father, hee will diligently and seriously take heed, that hee put not his father by the Kingdome by whose meanes he nimselfe is borne to a Kingdome. Nor will hee tread in the steps of Henry the V. Emperour, who by the Popes instigation, expelled and chased his aaged father out of the Imperiall dignitie. Much lesse wil he hearken to the voice and aduise of Doctor Suares Lib. 6. cap. 4. Si Papa Regem deponat, ab illis tantum poterit, expelli vel interfici, quibus ipse id commiserit. the Iesuite; who, in his booke written against my selfe, a booke applauded and approoued of many Doctours, after hee hath like a Doctour of the chaire, pronounced, That a King deposed by the Pope, cannot bee lawfully expelled or killed, but onely by such as the Pope hath charged with such execution: falleth to adde a little after: If the Pope shall declare a King to bee an heretike, and fallen from the Kingdome, without making further declaration touching execution; that is to say, without giuing expresse charge vnto any to make away the King: then the lawfull successour being a Catholike, hath power to doe the feate; and if he shall refuse, or if there shall be none such, then it appertaineth to the comminaltie or body of the Kingdome. A most detestable sentence: For in hereditarie Kingdomes, who is the Kings lawfull suc- cessour, but his sonne ? The sonne then by this doctrine, shall imbrew his hands inhis owne fathers blood, so soone as he shall be deposed by the Pope. A matter so much the neerer and more deepely to bee apprehended, because the said most outragious booke flyeth like a furious mastiffe directly at my throat, and withall instilleth such precepts into the tender disposition of my sonne, as if hereafter hee shall become a Romane Catholike, so soone as the Pope shall giue me the lift out of my Throne, shall bind him forthwith to make effusion of his owne fathers blood. Such is the religion of these reuerend Fathers, the pillars of the Pontificiall Monarchie: In comparison of whose religion and holinesse, all the impietie that euer was among the Infidels, and all the barbarous crueltie that euer was among the Canibals, may passe hencefoorth in the Christian world for pure clemencie and humanitie. These things ought his Lordship to haue pondered, rather then to babble of habitudes and politike characters, which to the common people are like the Bergamasque or the wilde-Irish forme of speach, and passe their vnderstanding.

All these things are nothing in a maner, if we compare them with the last clause, which is the closer, and as it were the vpshot of his Lordships discourse: For therein he laboureth to perswade concerning this Article, framed to bridle the Popes tyrannicall power ouer Kings, if it should receiue gracious entertainement, and generall approbation; That it would breed great danger, and worke effects of pernicious consequence vnto Kings. The reason: because it would prooue an in- troduction to schisme; and schisme would stirre vp ciuil warres, contempt of Kings, distempered inclinations and motions to intrap their life; and which is worst of all, the fierce wrath of God, inflicting all sorts of calamities. An admirable paradoxe, and able to strike men stone-blind: that his Holinesse must haue power to de- pose Kings, for the better security and safegard of their life; that when their Crownes are made subiect vnto anothers will and pleasure, then they are come to the highest altitude and eleuation of honour; that for the onely-warrant of their life, their supreme and absolute greatnesse must be depressed; that for the longer keeping of their Crownes, another must plucke the Crowne from their heads. As if it should be said, Would they not be stript naked by another ? the best way is, for themselues to vntrusse, for themselues to put off all, and to goe naked of their owne accord. Wil they keepe their Souereigntie in safetie for euer ? The best way is to let another haue their Soueraigne authoritie and supreme Estate in his power. But I haue bene euer of this mind, that when my goods are at no mans command or disposing but mine own, then they are trewly and certainly mine owne. It may be this error is growen vpon me and other Princes for lacke of braines: whereupon it may be feared, or at least coniectured, the Pope meanes to shaue our crownes, and thrust vs into some cloister, there to hold ranke in the brotherhood of good King Childeric. Forasmuch then as my dull capacitie doeth not serue mee to reach or comprehend the pith of this admirable reason, I haue thought good to seeke and to vse the instruction of old and learned experience, which teacheth no such matter: by name, that ciuill warres and fearefull per- turbations of State in any nation of the world, haue at any time growen from this faithful credulity of subiects, that Popes in right haue no power to wrest and lift Kings out of their dignities and possessions. On the other side, by establishing the contrary maximes, to yoke and hamper the people with Pontificiall tyrannie, what rebellious troubles and stirres, what extreme desolations hath England bene forced to feare and feele, in the Reigne of my Predecessours Henrie II. Iohn and Henrie III ? These be the maximes and principles, which vnder the Emperour Henrie IV. and Frederic the I. made all Europe flowe with channels and streames of blood, like a riuer with water, while the Saracens by their incursions and victo- ries ouerflowed, and in a manner drowned the honour of the Christian name in the East. These be the maximes and principles, which made way for the warres of the last League into France; by which the very bowels of that most famous and flourishing Kingdome were set on such a combustion, that France her selfe was brought within two fingers breadth of bondage to another Nation, and the death of her two last Kings most villenously and traiterously accomplished. The L. Cardinall then giuing these diabolicall maximes for meanes to secure the life and Estate of Kings, speaketh as if he would giue men counsell to dry themselues in the riuer, when they come as wet as a water spaniell out of a pond; or to warme themselues by the light of the Moone, when they are stark-naked, and well neere frozen to death.